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PLATE 1 


N 



I, Holographed by Smith, Klein & G° Cojtnh ill, Loti don 










SKETCH 


OF 

MAIRWARA; 

GIVING 

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OE THE ORIGIN AND HABITS OF THE MAIRS; 

THEIR SUBJUGATION BY A BRITISH FORCE; 

THEIR CIVILISATION, AND CONVERSION INTO AN INDUSTRIOUS PEASANTRY; 

WITH 

DESCRIPTIONS OF VARIOUS WORKS OF IRRIGATION IN 

MAIRWARA AND AJMEBE, 

CONSTRUCTED TO FACILITATE THE OPERATIONS OF AGRICULTURE, AND GUARD THE DISTRICTS 

AGAINST DROUGHT AND FAMINE. 


ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND VIEWS. 


BY 

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL C. G. DIXON, 

BENGAL ARTILLERY; 

SUPERINTENDENT AJMEER AND MAIRWARA, AND COMMANDANT MAIRWARA LOCAL BATTALION. 


LONDON: 

SMITH, ELDEE, AND CO., 65, COHNHILL. 

1850. 




London : 

Spottiswoodes and Shaw, 

New-street- Squ are. 


PREFACE. 


The circumstances that led to the preparation of this “ Sketch of Mairwara ” 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Dixon are stated in the following letter, addressed 
by him to Mr. Secretary Allen, which it is considered will form a fitting 
introduction to the subject; and not the less so for the mention made 
by the writer of the important services rendered to the District by the 
Honorable James Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Pro¬ 
vinces. 

The reasons, so flattering to Lieutenant-Colonel Dixon, which induced 
the Court of Directors to order the publication of this Work at the expense 
of the Government of India, are stated in the concluding chapter; where 
also the Author alludes to the unavoidable disadvantages under which he 
performed his grateful task. 


“ No. 317. of 1848. 

“ From Lieutenant-Colonel C. G. Dixon , Superintendant of Ajmeer and Mair¬ 
wara ;, to C. Allen , Esquire , Officiating Secretary to Government , North- 
Western Provinces , Agra. 

“ Sir, 

“ In 1844 the Honorable the Court of Directors and the Government 
of India were pleased to express a desire that a succinct detail of my labours 
in Mairwara might be prepared, in view to publication. During the same 
year, a like request was made by the Government of Agra in reference to 
the agricultural improvements which were being carried out in Ajmeer. It 
would have been a matter of great satisfaction to me to have responded to 
these commands at once. The public calls on my attention have, however, 
been so uninterrupted, that I have only lately been able to complete the 
narrative. I now have the honour to report that the 1 Sketch of Mairwara,’ 
including a detailed account of the recent improvements in Ajmeer, together 
with plans, sections, and elevations of the works of irrigation selected by 
His Honor while passing through these Districts in the close of 1846, 
accompanied by a few landscape views of our mountain lakes, has been 
forwarded for the consideration and orders of the Honorable the Lieutenant- 
Governor, North-Western Provinces. The orders calling for the 1 Sketch of 



IV 


PREFACE. 


Mairwara,’ and a detailed account of the improvements which have recently 
been effected in Ajmeer, together with a notice of the causes which have 
induced delay, as taken from the concluding portion of the memoir, have 
been transcribed for His Honor’s information. 

“ 2 d. On the conclusion of his tour in these Districts, His Honor was 
pleased to give me a memorandum of the chief points to which he desired to 
draw my attention. I have essayed to fulfil his wishes as far as the limited 
leisure at my disposal has admitted. The improvements in Ajmeer are so 
intimately connected with those of Mairwara, from which they sprung, that it 
was deemed unavoidable to separate their details. This measure would have 
involved much recapitulation, for the process of improvement has been one, 
and has been carried on by the same individual at the same time ; while their 
separation would have destroyed the continuity of relation. 

“ 3d. The Honorable the Lieutenant-Governor has, for some years past, 
taken a prominent interest in the improvements in Mairwara. Most of the 
works of irrigation recently constructed in Ajmeer have been brought into 
useful existence under his express orders. He has visited portions of both 
Districts, and will be able to form an opinion as to the truthfulness of the 
narrative. Moreover, he is the firm friend of social improvement in every 
phase of civilised life. It is under these circumstances I have been 
emboldened to trespass on the valuable leisure of His Honor, in the full 
assurance that, should the epitome of my labours be deserving of public notice, 
he will forward it to the Government of India, or to the Honorable the Court 
of Directors, as to his better judgment may seem meet. 

“ I have the honour to be, Sir, 

“ Your most obedient Servant, 

(Signed) “ C. G. Dixon, 

“ Superintendant. 

“ Ajmeer and Mairwara Superintendant’s Office, 

Beawr, July 23d, 1848.” 


It may be proper to add, that the official duties of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dixon necessarily precluded his revision of the printing; but the full and 
explicit instructions of Captain Oldfield, transmitted to the Publishers by 
the Honorable the Lieutenant-Governor, especially with regard to the execution 
of the Plates, and the personal superintendence of the whole Work by Major 
W. E. Baker (to whom the Publishers beg to express their obligations for his 
valuable aid), have, it is hoped, obviated, as far as possible, any disadvan¬ 
tages arising from the absence of the Author’s supervision. 

London, January 1st, 1850. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER X. 

Page 

Position of Mairwara, its Boundaries, Nature of the Soil, present Division into 
Purgunahs - - - - - - 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Brief Sketch of the Origin of the Mairs - - - 6 

CHAPTER III. 

Indomitable Spirit of the Mairs, and Impregnability of their Country - 13 

CHAPTER IY. 

The Reduction of the Mairs by a British Force - - - 18 

CHAPTER V. 

Ability of the Mairs to cause extensive Injury : their Religion and Customs 25 t 

CHAPTER VI. 

Arrangements consequent on the Subjugation of the Tract.— An efficient 
Government at length established - - - - 35 

CHAPTER VII. 

Formation of a Mair Corps: its Duties and Usefulness as an Agent in the 
Civilisation of the People of Mairwara - - - 40 

CHAPTER VIII. 

The final Adjustment of the Claims of Meywar, Mar war, and Ajmeer to disputed 
Villages.—Feelings of the People at the threatened Abolition of the Mairwara 
Arrangements.—Administration of Civil and Criminal Justice - 62 



VI 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER IX. 

Page 

Arrangements for agricultural Improvement * - - 82 

CHAPTER X. 

Building of the Town of Nya Nuggur - - - - 96 

CHAPTER XI. 

Progress of rural Improvements.—Financial Results - - - 112 

CHAPTER XII. 

Formation of Tank Embankments described - - - - 138 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Description of Tank Embankments continued.—Kalee Kankur, Gohana Burar 
Weirs, Smaller Weirs, Loosanee, Cheela Bura and Dewatan Tulaos - 159 

CHAPTER XIY. 

Arrangements for the Restoration of Prosperity to Ajmeer. The Union of both 
Districts under the Superintendant of Mairwara.—The Tank Embankments at 
Lohurwara, Durathoo, and Sreenuggur described - - - 177 

CHAPTER XY. 

Progress of Improvement in Ajmeer.—Financial Results.—Justice of retaining 
Marwar and Meywar Mair Villages under British Protection.—Reasons for 
preparing this Sketch - - - - - -197 


Glossary 


233 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Plate 1. 

2 . 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6 . 

7. 

8 . 

9. 

10 . 

11 . 

12 . 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

19. 

20 . 
21 . 
22 . 

23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 


View of the Town of Ajmeer from the Shah Ulee Garden, near the 

Ghoogra Pass - - - - Frontispiece 

Puteils, or Head Men of Jak, with Two Minstrels - To face page 91 

Bazaar of Nya Nuggur, leading from the Ajmeer Gate towards the 


To face page 
- On page 
To face page 


- On page 
To face page 


Meywar Gate 

View of the Ajmeer Gate of Nya Nuggur 
Plan of Nya Nuggur 
View of Nya Nuggur from the East 
Plan, Section, and Elevation of Kabra Embankment 
Survey Map of Kabra Embankment 
Rough Sketch of a Lime-Kiln 
Sketch of Two Persian Wheels at work at a Well - 
Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Jowaja Bund - 
Survey Map of Jowaja and Roopana Weir 
View of Jowaja Lake from the North - 
Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Roopana Weir - 
Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Kalee Kankur Embankment 
Survey Map of the Kalee Kankur Embankment - 
Survey Map of the Gohana Embankment - 

Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Gohana Embankment 
Survey Map, with Plans, Sections, and Elevations of the Burar Weirs - 
Plans, Sections, and Elevations of small Weirs - 
Yiew of the Loosanee Lake - 
View of Cheela Bura Tulao - 
View of the Dewatan Lake from the South-east - 
Survey Map of the Lohurwara Embankment - 
Plans, Sections, and Elevations of the Lohurwara Embankment and Weir 
Plan, Section, and Elevation of Durathoo Embankment 
Survey Map of the Durathoo Embankment - 

Map of the Basin of Drainage from Rajgurh, Rajaosee, and Bulwunta to 
the Junction of the Nullah below Chat and Lohurwara 
Survey Map of Sreenuggur Embankment - 

Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Sreenuggur Embankment, with 
Masonry Drains - 

View of the Ajmeer Lake, with Fort and Hill of Taragurh, from the 
North ------ 

Map of Ajmeer and Mairwara - 


99 

103 

103 

110 

147 

148 

149 
175 
152 

154 

155 

156 
160 
161 
164 
164 
166 

170 

171 

174 

175 

184 

185 
188 

190 

191 

192 


- 194 

200 
232 




SKETCH OF MAIRWARA 


CHAPTER I. 

POSITION OF MAIRWARA — ITS BOUNDARIES — NATURE OF THE SOIL — PRESENT 
DIVISION INTO PURGUNAHS. 

The tract of country known by the name of Mairwara forms a portion of the 
Arabala chain of hills, running from Goozerat to within a few miles of Dehli. 
It is bounded by Ajmeer to the north, and separates Meywar on the east 
from Marwar on the west: to the south are the hill possessions of Meywar. 
It extends over about one hundred miles in length, the line of hills running 
north-east and south-west. The breadth is variable, being chiefly regulated 
by the width or narrowness of the range. Thus, the northern portion has a 
span of from twenty-five to thirty miles, while to the south the width is 
restricted to a few miles. The hills are of the primitive order of formation. 
Iron ore prevails in various localities; while veins of granular limestone are 
found in great abundance: some of these veins have been traced over a length 
of sixty miles. Although the hills near Ajmeer, a continuation of this range, 
hold copper and lead, no other metalliferous ores have been discovered beyond 
that of iron. About the cantonment of Beawr, there is some approach to a 
plain; but even there the level is disturbed by small ridges of rock and low 
hills, which divide the land into vallies. Proceeding towards the south, the 
hills become more numerous, till, at a distance of twelve miles from Beawr, 
the country is one mass of hills, intersected with small vales, which, through 
the industry of the inhabitants, have been converted into fruitful fields. 
There are no rivers in the tract; and as the rain, descending from the hills, 




2 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


made its way to the plains with the force of a mountain torrent, agriculture 
was extremely precarious, since the crops only received advantage from the 
rain while falling. It will he shown in due course the arrangements that 
have been made to obviate the want of water for purposes of cultivation, by 
damming up the mountain streams, whereby the calamities arising from 
drought have been reduced to a minimum point. The soil, composed of the 
debris of the hills, mixed with decayed vegetation, is extremely fertile, the 
return from a beegah of wheat or barley being from ten to twelve maunds; 
while in Marwar and Meywar, immediately below the hills, the produce only 
ranges from six to eight maunds. The arrangements adopted in the hills, of 
diking up the fields with walls of dry stone, whereby moisture is retained and 
the decayed vegetation washed down from the hills is arrested, conduce much 
to the fertility of the soil. The portion of the country now most productive 
was, before the subjugation of the Mairs, a dense jungle, infested by wild 
beasts, and scarcely ever traversed by man, save along the footpaths which 
served as roads communicating between the few villages dispersed through 
the hills. At the time the army penetrated the tract, no single village was 
inhabited in what is now denominated Purgunah Beawr, though at the present 
time it has 165 villages and hamlets in a high state of cultivation and 
consequent prosperity. The same may be observed of Purgunah Bhaelan, 
now consisting of 25 villages, only two of which had retained their in¬ 
habitants. 

The Mairwara tract now belongs, in unequal portions, to the British 
government, to Meywar, and to Marwar. On the subjection of the Mairs, such 
of the villages as had paid allegiance to these states were made over to their 
respective rulers. As Meywar and Marwar were not able to manage all the 
villages that had been transferred to them, such as were most refractory were 
made over to our management in 1822-23, the most docile being given to the 
chiefs of those states. 

The district is now divided into nine purgunahs, or divisions. Of 
these, four purgunahs, Beawr, Jak-Shamgurh, Behar-Burkochra, and Bhaelan, 
appertain to the British government, and form a component part of Ajmeer. 
They comprise 143 villages, and 63 hamlets: of these, only eighteen were 
inhabited on the introduction of our rule. It is affirmed that Purgunah 
Beawr was in former days inhabited by Goojurs. Whether this was 
actually the case, or how they were dispossessed, we have no means of 


ITS DIVISION INTO PURGUNAHS. 


3 


learning: it is, however, a fact beyond question, that that portion of the 
tract was wholly uninhabited during the 175 years preceding our rule. Our 
portion possesses much productive land, the greater part of which has been 
entirely reclaimed from a state of nature, at the expense of much labour and 
pecuniary outlay. 

The Meywar possessions consist of three purgunahs, Todgurh, Dewair, 
and Saroth, holding 76 villages and 13 hamlets. Many of these villages 
have a dense population, so much so as to induce numbers to seek service 
in Meywar and Malwa, the land being insufficient to support the whole 
of its population. This portion of the tract is fertile, and, as with respect 
to that of Ajmeer, has been greatly improved and rendered remunerative 
through its works of irrigation. 

Marwar, while she has the fewest villages, has the least land. There 
are two purgunahs, Chang and Kot-Kurana, comprising 21 villages and 4 
hamlets. Here the capabilities were extremely restricted. Some of the 
villages are located in fastnesses, possessing scarcely 100 beegahs each, 
sufficient only to support eight or ten families: thus, in nine villages the 
culturable land only amounts to 986 beegahs. A portion of its inhabitants 
has now located itself in the Ajmeer Mair villages, there being no land unoc¬ 
cupied in their own portion of the tract. 

Formerly there was no carriage-road from Aboo to the southward, to 
Khurwahin Ajmeer, northwards, across the hills. Over the passes of Dewair, 
Chapulean, Peeplee, Mundawur, and Kot-Kurana, traffic on camels and 
bullocks could only pass under the protection of large military escorts. Com¬ 
merce was, in consequence, subjected to much expense and interruption. The 
communication from Goozerat, or Marwar, to Meywar, if not effected over 
these ghattas, was extremely circuitous; being carried on either through Ajmeer 
to the north, or altogether to the southward of the Arabala range. The re¬ 
duction of the Hill tribes permanently opened these lines of intercourse, there¬ 
by materially conducing to the interests of the adjoining states. Colonel Hall 
opened a road passing through the cantonment of Beawr, for cattle, over the 
Arabala range, in 1826. On the formation of the town of Nya Nuggur, 
in 1836, this pass was made practicable for wheeled carriages. It is now 
undergoing considerable improvement, and, with other plans being carried 
out, the communication between Marwar and Meywar has been so much 
facilitated, that the route by Nya Nuggur has now become the great line of 


4 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


intercourse between the northern portion of Marwar to Malwa and the Deccan. 
The arrangements for protecting trade and travellers through the Mairwara 
Hills are so good, that a robbery is a matter of very rare occurrence. When 
such cases happen, the onus of satisfying the injured parties rests with the 
villages where the injury has been committed. Various other intermediate 
passes have been opened, and are frequented by all sections of the community 
without fear or apprehension. The heretofore much-dreaded Mair Hills offer 
convenient routes of intercourse between the two great principalities of 
Meywar and Marwar through their whole length; and life and property are 
much more secure, from the responsibility which devolves on the people, than 
while traversing any of the states of Rajwara. 

For the administration of public affairs in this intricate and extensive 
tract, we have three principal native officers. The duties of the police are 
combined with those of the revenue. The Tuhseeldar of Todgurh is charged 
with the details of the revenue in the southern purgunahs, Dewair, Todgurh, 
Bhaelan, and Kot-Kurana, comprising 81 villages and 13 hamlets. He is 
further the head of the police in that portion of the district. Five small 
Thanahs, having a Peshkar with three Chuprassees, and located at necessary 
points, are in subordination to him. Again, by way of subdivision, distinct 
Chuprassees are detached in charge of three or four villages. They report to 
the Peshkar to whose Thanah they belong. Thus, by this minute division of 
authority, the Tuhseeldar is kept acquainted with all important matters 
which occur within the limits of his jurisdiction. This intimate division 
and close scrutiny would alike be unnecessary and distasteful to a people 
advanced in the arts of civilisation, and whose habits were confirmed in works 
of industry. With a race, however, placed under the circumstances of the 
Mairs, whose lives have been passed in preying on the industry of their 
neighbours, and to whom agricultural labour, in the maintenance of themselves 
and families, was almost unknown, a more stringent system of observance is 
not only desirable, but imperatively necessary. The ubiquity, as it were, of 
the public servants in all parts of the district, materially tends to the sup¬ 
pression of crime. Thefts or robberies, when committed, are instantly com¬ 
municated to the Thanahs or to the Tuhseeldar, and apprehension so soon 
follows on perpetration, that the futility of committing crimes with hopes of 
impunity is made palpable and self-apparent. And as the apprehension and 
punishment of one set of offenders deters many an unmatured crime, this 


DUTIES OF PUBLIC OFFICERS. 


5 


check is of a most salutary nature. But the public servants are not alone 
required for the apprehension of offenders, and for the suppression of crime. 
They are chiefly required to win the people over in employing themselves on 
agricultural pursuits. They provide the requisite information on which 
pecuniary advances are made for the purchase of cattle, for the sinking a well, 
or for the construction of a stone-dike wall, or of a small tulao. They are 
required to encourage the people in habits of thrift, and in recommending aid 
on the part of the government where a good intention is rendered unavailing 
through poverty. The system has stood the test of many years’ experience, 
and, as its results have been so satisfactory, an adherence to it is, under all 
circumstances, desirable. 

The Tuhseelder of Saroth has charge of the purgunahs of Saroth and 
Behar-Burkochra, situated in the centre of the district, and comprising 
53 villages and 15 hamlets; while the northern portion, formed of the pur¬ 
gunahs of Beawr, Jak-Shamgurh, and Chang, embracing in all 106 villages 
and 52 hamlets, is placed under a third Tuhseeldar. The same subdivision, 
with the subordinate Thanahs and detached Chuprassees obtains at Saroth 
and Beawr. 

Of the numerous forts which were built in the tract on the country 
being subdued, only three, Todgurgh, Dewair, and Saroth, are now garrisoned 
with detachments of the Mair battalion. The tranquillity which now prevails 
has rendered the occupation of the whole of these strongholds unnecessary. 
The inhabitants have now become so orderly and tractable, that the aid of the 
regiment in the maintenance of the peace is a matter of rare occurrence. 


6 


CHAPTER II. 

BRIEF SKETCH OF THE ORIGIN OF THE MAIRS.* 

It may not be uninteresting, before entering on the relation of the steps taken 
to win over to the habits of civilised life this heretofore lawless and predatory 
people, to take a brief review of their origin, and to notice their character and 
customs as they prevailed on our first acquaintance with them. No history 
of this people is to be found amongst the neighbouring great states. We have 
therefore had recourse to themselves for the narration of all matters connected 
with the origin of their race, and their occupation of the hills. In treating 
on this subject, ample materials are available in various depositions of the 
chiefs; some of which were subsequently, and others formerly, taken by 
Colonel Hall, C.B. Shortly after, that officer was selected for the important 
duty of managing the affairs of this new and difficult tract of country. 
Much interesting information, concerning events which followed closely on the 
occupation of the territory, has been furnished from a most lucid report drawn 
up by that able officer under the orders of the Government in 1834. The Mairs 
were, and are, with few exceptions, unable to read and write. Not possessing 
the ability of themselves to record great events, the duty of historian devolved 
on a Bhat; termed, in the language of the country, Jagah. This individual 
was wont periodically to visit his own beat of villages, and to note in his 
books any remarkable occurrences the people were solicitous of having handed 
down to posterity; the Jagah being remunerated for their record. This office 
was originally occupied by only one individual. At present there are six 
Jagahs throughout Mairwara, whose sole employment is to perpetuate the 
good deeds of such as are liberal enough to repay the trouble of the historian. 
In this manner the principal events which have characterised the career of 


* The Superintendent tenders his acknowledgments to his late assistant, Lieutenant R. G. 
Taylor, for his valuable aid in collecting and arranging information relative to the early history 
of the Mairs. 


ORIGIN OF THE MAIRS. 


7 


this people, from the earliest date, have been preserved; and a reference to 
these records has served much to throw light on the oral relations of the elders, 
which otherwise would have been devoid of perspicuity. 

It may be proper to observe, that although we know the tract by the 
name of Mairwara, the Mairs among themselves, as also the people of the 
plains, almost always call it the “ Mugra.” This word in the language of the 
country signifies Hills, or singly a large Hill, while “ Mugree ” is used as a 
diminutive. As this word will be occasionally mentioned in this narrative, 
it has been necessary, in view to obviate doubt or misapprehension, to note its 
peculiar meaning. 

Of the inhabitants of the Mugra, previous to the time from which the 
present Mairs date their origin, little seems to be now known. The country 
at that time must have been a vast impenetrable jungle, offering few advan¬ 
tages to the cultivator, though promising many to the outlaw and fugitive 
from justice: hence the fastnesses of the Mugra became eventually a refuge 
for all who had rendered themselves amenable to the laws of their country, 
or who had been ejected from caste by their brethren for some religious mis¬ 
demeanor. All so circumstanced, on throwing themselves on the protection of 
the banditti of the hills, were welcomed and received as brethren ; and being 
hopeless of pardon in their own state, and confident in the strength of their 
asylum and the union and determination of their new associates, soon joined 
their fortunes with them, and became permanently established in the Mugra. 
Hence arose the extraordinary melange, dignified by the name of religion, at 
present professed by the Mairs and Mairats. The caste of Chundela Goojurs 
is said to have inhabited the hills in the neighbourhood of the ancient village 
of Chang ; while the caste of Bhatee Rajpoots was located in Boorwah and the 
hills in the neighbourhood of Kalinjur. Saroth and Bhaelan were inhabited 
by Brahmins. Further to the south-west, the villages of Burar and Chetan, 
now in the Todgurh Purgunah, were peopled by the Daeemahs and Dakul 
Meenahs. It is further affirmed that a Bhatee Rajpoot of the name of Ajeet 
Singh, from whom the village of Ajeet-Gurh received its name, bore the title 
of ruler of the Mugra, and his brothers held portions of it under him. 

The Mairs claim descent from Prithee Raj, Chuohan, who reigned in Ajmeer 
in the beginning of the twelfth century; he was brother to Khandee Rao, 
King of Dehli. These two brothers, together with the other Indian princes, 
met and defeated the Affghan invader, Mahomed Ghoree, at the village of 


8 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Sirauree on the banks of the Suruswuttee, at the distance of about eighty 
miles from Dehli. In this battle the Affghan king was wounded, and his 
army so completely routed, that he marched out of Hindoostan without 
attempting another battle. He returned, however, in the course of two years 
with an enormous army, determined to wipe out the stain which the reputation 
of his arms had received at the hands of the presumptuous idolaters, as he 
styled the rulers of Hindoostan. The Indians, on the other hand, assembled 
a numerous army and took up a strong position on the field of their former 
victory. 

After a tremendous contest, commenced by a clever surprise on the part 
of the Affghan, the Hindoos were entirely defeated; Khandee Rao, King of 
Dehli, was killed, and Prithee Raj being taken prisoner, was shortly 
afterwards put to death. Mahomed, however, placed the latter’s son, by 
name Gola, on the throne of Ajmeer, on his undertaking to pay a handsome 
tribute. Prithee Raj, when reigning Prince of Ajmeer, is said to have devoted 
his energies entirely to plundering expeditions, robbery, and violence of all 
sorts. In one of his marauding raids, in which the city of Boondee in the 
Kotah country, inhabited by the caste of Harra Rajpoots, was beset and 
plundered, it happened that, on the day of the attack, the slave girls of Boondee 
were bathing at a tank outside the city, celebrating the rites of the Teej. 
From among these the besiegers seized and carried off a girl of the caste of 
Asawuree Meenahs, by name Sehdeo. Prithee Raj gave her to his son Jodh- 
la-Khun, who, as the girl professed to be a Harree Rajpootnee, took her into 
his house, when she bore him two sons named Unhul and Unoop. Jodh-la 
Khun seems to have lived in perfect confidence of his partner being of pure 
caste, until these sons were rising into manhood, when from some cause he 
conceived a suspicion that he had been deceived. One night he suddenly 
questioned Sehdeo as to the caste to which she really belonged; his surprise 
and indignation were great when he received for answer, “ I am by birth a 
Meenee; do with me as you think fit.” The prince was greatly enraged, and 
turned Sehdeo with her two sons out of his house. The mother, thus thrown 
upon the world, and accompanied by her two sons, Unhul and Unoop, came to 
Chang in Mairwara, and was kindly received by the Chundela Goojurs resident 
there, who, in consideration of her having come from a royal house, took 
compassion on her, and established her and her sons at Chang. For five 
generations the descendants of Unhul and Unoop inhabited Chang, and they 


ORIGIN OF THE MAIRS. 


9 


are reported to have eventually exterminated the families of those very 
Goojurs whose progenitors had so hospitably welcomed their common mother, 
Sehdeo, and afforded her a refuge in dire extremity. 

In the fifth generation, two brothers were born in the family of Unhul; 
they were called Kanha and Kala, and from these brothers arose the two 
great castes of Bur and Chetah. Kanha and Kala, though sole masters of 
Chang, could find no one willing to marry with their children; thus, in the 
full tide of prosperity, their race was likely to be prematurely brought to an 
end. It happened that, about this time, the descendants of the same Jodh-la- 
Khun who had discarded Sehdeo sent a force against Chang, with a view to 
destroying her descendants, Kanha and Kala, with their brethren, who were 
beginning to annoy the country by their depredations. The brothers fled 
into the higher parts of the hill country, and in the course of their wanderings 
came to the village of Chetan, in the present Todgurh district; and here is 
said to have occurred the miracle that prolonged the race of Unhul, and was 
the origin of the two great divisions of Bur and Chetah. The brothers, 
reduced to despair by their isolated and outcast position, rested beneath the 
shade of a large burgut tree, which is still shown near the village of Chetan. 
They there prayed to the Deity, that if it was destined that their race should 
continue, the trunk of the tree under which they stood might be rent in two. 
As an assurance of it, this event immediately occurred. They then prayed that 
if it was intended that their two families should intermarry, the tree might 
again unite as before. The rent tree was immediately restored to its former 
state, and the progeny of Kanha and Kala intermarrying amongst themselves, 
the clan thus originated, and soon became very numerous and powerful. Kala 
went to Kulwara in Meywar, and Kanha returned to Chang. Here his male 
descendants seem to have found the same difficulty in forming alliances with 
other families, that had caused the singular origin of their own, and that cir¬ 
cumstance having, perhaps, rather tended to confuse their ideas of caste and 
its ordinances, they soon began to marry indiscriminately with any women 
opportunity threw in their way. Thus, many women of the lowest castes, 
Meenees, Bheelnees, Dakul Meenees, and others, were taken into their houses 
and became Mair matrons. But still the clan of Chetahs flourished; and, in 
this manner, from the descendants of Kanha sprung the twenty-four clans of 
Mairs comprehended under the general distinguishing title of Chetah: while, 
on the other hand, the progeny of Kala formed twenty-four septs, under the 


10 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


common denomination of Bur, derived probably from the tree so celebrated in 
their family history. 

The whole of the above forty-eight clans of Mairs professed originally the 
Hindoo religion. Of the origin of the large family of Mehrats who profess the 
Mahomedan religion, or rather a hybrid imitation of it, the* following account 
is given. 

A man named Heerah, a Chetah, went to Dehlee and took service under 
the Emperor Alumgeer. One night, being on sentry duty at the gate of the 
palace, it happened that a terrific thunderstorm occurred, accompanied by a 
perfect deluge of rain; and, while the rest of the guard sought shelter as best 
they might under the buildings, Heerah stood out firmly with his shield on 
his head as a protection, and would not move till his tour of duty was fully 
completed. This conscientious performance of the duty intrusted to him 
won him the favour and commendation of the Emperor, to whom the matter 
was reported. He is related to have said, u In the Marwar tongue they call 
a stout soldier Kata: let this man’s title be henceforth Kata, for he has proved 
himself stout and brave.” Soon after this, and probably to please his new 
patron, Heerah became a convert to Mahomedanism; and the Emperor 
himself is said to have presided at the ceremony of his initiation and admission 
to the faith, and to have bestowed upon him the name of Kata Haood Khan. 
The latter afterwards returned to his native village of Chang, and, marrying, 
handed down his adopted faith to a numerous progeny. From a grandson of 
his, of the name of Mehra, was derived the name now borne by the whole sect. 

Another Mair of the family of one Kuroo, who established the village of 
Kureel in Ajmeer, became a Mussulman. He had been taken prisoner by 
Allaoodeen Ghoree, on some occasion probably when he attacked Runtumbore 
or Chittore. His name was Meemunt, and on his conversion he received the 
appellation of Memnut Khan; and the emperor presented him with a great 
number of villages in the Ajmeer district in Jageer, and placed a number of 
roads and twelve passes in his charge. His descendants retained the Ma¬ 
homedan faith for three generations, and then, having intermarried again 
with Mairs, they returned to Hindooism. This family is called the Kureelwal 
caste, derived from the village of Kureel before mentioned. 

The above are the families and divisions of the descendants of Jodh-la- 
Khun and Sehdeo. Besides these, there are as many as forty-six other families 
that have sprung from men, in some instances of the highest caste, who from 


ORIGIN OF THE MAIRS. 


11 


time to time took refuge among the Mairs, either to escape the consequences 
of crimes committed in their own states, or from having been driven into exile 
by the fanaticism of their brethren to expiate the violation of some law of 
religion or caste. It would be endless to enumerate the various denominations 
and founders of these clans: it may be sufficient to mention a few of the most 
remarkable instances, which may serve as a sample of the whole. 

When Allaooden Ghoree, Emperor of Dehli, made an expedition against 
Ruttun Sain, Rana of Chittore, in the year 703 Hijree, namely, a.d. 1303,— 
in which contest, according to a previous prophecy, Ruttun Sain lost his life, 
and tradition affirms twenty*one Ranas after him were successively slain, 
Chittore taken and sacked, and the whole country plundered,—two Rajpoot 
brothers of the Gaelot caste, having been completely ruined and left destitute 
after the war, fled to Boorwah, near Saroth in Mairwara. One of the brothers 
married a Meenee girl, by whom he had twelve sons, who became eventually 
the founders of twelve clans or families. The other brother went to reside in 
the Ajmeer district, but, having the misfortune to kill a cow, was forced to 
fly to the hills for protection, and eventually from his progeny six castes were 
originated. 

Of the rise of the present singular caste of Motees, the following tradition 
is related. It has been said that Bhaelan is supposed to have been originally 
inhabited by Brahmins. This district had been a thoroughfare for Bunjaras, 
and it is affirmed that a Bunjara woman went to the cell of a certain Bue- 
ragee, named Roog Das, who lived in a cave in the mountain now called 
Makut. She remained there for some time, and was delivered of twin boys 
while resident in his cell; of these she declared Roog Das to be the father, 
but, from what subsequently transpired, the belief is that she was pregnant by 
some demon or evil spirit before she took refuge in the Bueragee’s retreat. 
It is evident that Roog Das was very indignant at the unworthy return made 
for his hospitality, for he immediately turned her and her children adrift; and 
she was then received and sheltered by a Brahmin, in whose house she 
remained for a considerable time. When the twin brothers were old enough 
to go about by themselves, the Brahmin employed them to tend his cows at 
graze, and it was then that their demon origin soon became apparent. It is 
related that these elfish boys seized every opportunity of torturing and ill- 
using the sacred cows intrusted to their charge, and at length killed one or 
more of them outright. The old Brahmin was so enraged, that he drove the 


12 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


mother and sons out of the place; it is not known where they then took 
refuge, but in their progeny in the fifth generation one Makut was born, who, 
haying conceived a hatred of the Brahmins of Bhaelan for the conduct of one 
of the tribe to his progenitors, waged war against them, and, assisted by his 
numerous brethren, succeeded in massacring nearly all of them, and took 
himself the district of Bhaelan. This bloodthirsty individual is still much 
venerated by the Mairs, and the mountain where the Bunjarun brought forth 
the twin founders of his race is named after him. He is worshipped especially 
by his own descendants the Motees, who still inhabit the Bhaelan district, and 
for a long time a cow was sacrificed at his shrine yearly; and as the Mairs 
assisted at these rites, it may be imagined that their views of Hindooism were 
rather lax. 

A Brahmin, who escaped this slaughter, fled to the village of Burar, 
which was then inhabited by the caste of Dakul Meenas. He then threw 
aside his caste, and, taking a Meenee girl to wife, founded eventually the 
several clans of Dakul Mair now extant. 


13 


CHAPTER III. 

INDOMITABLE SPIRIT OF THE MAIRS, AND IMPREGNABILITY OF THEIR COUNTRY. 

In this manner the ranks of the Mairs of the Mugra were yearly swelled by 
the advent of men of all classes, who appear very seldom to have subsequently 
quitted their asylum, but, marrying, bred up their children to the mongrel 
faith and wild usages of their new associates. In the mean time the Mairs 
had become most formidable, by their depredations, to the neighbouring states. 
From the peculiar position of the hilly strip of land which they inhabited, 
surrounded as it was by the large principalities of Marwar, Meywar, and 
Ajmeer, they were enabled by rapid incursions to carry their plundering 
expeditions into the very heart of any of these states, and yet always to 
remain within hail of their strongholds in the hills, to which they speedily 
betook themselves on encountering any serious opposition, as plunder, and not 
war, was their object. 

It is a singular trait in the Mair character, that on these occasions they 
never chose a leader. Their preliminary arrangements were most systematic, 
and the intelligence department excellent; but in the execution all were equal, 
and all shared alike in the booty, —unless, perhaps, in the case of some Aheer 
or Bhoomea having acted as spy and informant on the occasion, when he 
received a double share. 

But for this peculiarity, their proceedings would remind one strongly of 
those of the Highland Caterans. Their powers of annoying with impunity 
were based on the same advantages of habits of life, locality, &c.; the object 
of their marauding raids was the same; and the method adopted by the in¬ 
habitants of the villages of the plains of Marwar and Meywar, in the vicinity 
of the Mairwara Hills, to secure an,immunity from the inroads of their lawless 
neighbours, — namely, by the payment of a certain sum monthly or yearly to 
the Mairs, — was much the same as the celebrated black mail exacted by the 
Highland freebooters from the more peaceful Lowlanders of Scotland. 


14 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


These robbing expeditions seem to have been very frequent, very suc¬ 
cessful, and executed with considerable daring; but not by any means 
characterised by unnecessary bloodshed or cruelty. The arms used by the 
Mairs were the matchlock, sword, shield, and spear, or rather javelin; but 
they never had recourse to these except in the case of resistance or dire 
necessity. Their rules prohibited the robbing of a Brahmin, a woman, a 
Jogee or Fuqueer; and they never willingly attacked armed men or soldiers. 
This last peculiarity seems to have arisen rather from prudential motives than 
any self-denying moderation: nevertheless, when matters came to extremities, 
the Hill men seem to have so borne themselves as to have established a name 
for daring and determination among the Rajpoots and their other neighbours, 
which rendered the latter any thing but eager to encounter them at close 
quarters ; and it is a singular fact that the Rajpoots used to entertain Thorees 
from the Mugra to guard their property against the Mairs. The Thorees, the 
Naiks of other districts, are the hunters of Rajpootana, and celebrated for their 
skill with the matchlock. 

In addition to the annoyance and injury produced by the depredations 
of the Mairs, great detriment to trade occurred through the numerous Hill 
Ghattas of the Arabala chain being in their possession: thus the merchandise 
from the western coast and intermediate country could not be carried north¬ 
east or south-east, as the case might require, without being subject to exactions 
or plunder by the Mairs, or being conveyed at a great expense by a circuitous 
route to avoid the infested district. 

It was probably this annoyance that at length induced the large states of 
Rajpootana to attempt, sometimes singly, and sometimes by combination, to 
effect the subjugation of the Mairs. In this they seem not only to have 
entirely failed, but at times suffered very severe reverses; and though they 
occasionally took forts, or burnt villages here and there, they never succeeded 
in overcoming or destroying any considerable body of Mairs : while the latter, 
watching their opportunity, and descending rapidly on some weak point, often 
succeeded in reading their invaders a severe lesson. It may be interesting to 
mention a few of the most important expeditions against the Mugra made by 
neighbouring native states, and then pass on to the final and complete sub¬ 
jugation of the district effected by British skill and discipline. 

About the year of our Lord 1725, one Deo Singh Thakoor, of Parasolee, 
in the Jeypoor territory, is reported to have incurred the displeasure of his 


INDOMITABLE SPIRIT OF THE MAIRS. 


15 


sovereign, Rajah Jye Singh Suwye, who then reigned in Jeypoor, in the 
following manner. Deo Singh had been very successful in some of his 
military enterprises, and among others had assaulted and taken the strong fort 
of Malpoorah. On his going on one occasion to pay his respects at the court 
of Jeypoor, the bard, who according to custom preceded him, singing his 
praises, and lauding his great deeds, introduced in the course of his song the 
following dangerous panegyric : — “0 thou who hast conquered the Fort of 
Malpoorah! it is as much as to say thou wilt become master of Ambeir,” 
meaning ancient Jeypoor. Directly Deo Singh heard these ill-timed words of 
flattery, he perceived the danger they might place him in, and said bitterly 
to the imprudent songster, “ This song of yours has made my home waste and 
desolate; ” and, immediately leaving the presence, he fled with all expedition 
to Jak, in Mairwara. Jye Singh, on the other hand, having heard the words 
of the bard, immediately conceived an enmity against the individual in whose 
honour they were said, but does not appear to have known Deo Singh 
personally, for when he had gone out he asked those around him who that 
chief was, whose praises the songster sounded so boldly. The courtiers all 
knew Deo Singh well, but, being generally friendly to him, were unwilling to 
expose him to the Rajah’s wrath, and remained silent. The Rajah, however, 
becoming imperative in his inquiries, some one at length said that it was the 
Thakoor, Deo Singh, of Parasolee: whereon he immediately gave orders that 
he should not be allowed to leave Jeypoor. On inquiry, however, it was 
found that he had already left the city. A pursuit was ordered; but Deo 
Singh, having a good start and making the best of his time, succeeded in 
distancing his pursuers; and arriving at Jak, alone and empty handed, he 
threw himself on the protection of the Mairs of that town, telling them fairly 
at the time that he was a fugitive from Jeypoor, and that, if they afforded him 
an asylum, Rajah Jye Singh would in all probability press hard upon them. 
The men of Jak, however, boldly decided that they would afford him pro¬ 
tection, and run the risk of all consequences. Jye Singh demanded the 
surrender of his liege subject, Deo Singh, from the men of Jak, and received 
for answer that they had promised him protection, and would in no wise play 
him false. The Rajah was greatly incensed at this insolence, and, according 
to the version of the Mairs, brought an army commanded by fifty-two Rajahs 
and twenty two Oomraos of the Emperor Mahomed Shah, then reigning at 
Dehli. By the same authority, the rank and file of this formidable array 


16 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


are estimated at three lakhs of horse and foot, accompanied by a body of ten 
thousand Bildars, to act as pioneers, and clear a way for the army through the 
jungles, and widen the mountain passes. It is known that Jye Singh did 
attack the Mugra with a large force; but the Mairs fall into the error, common 
to native historians, of exaggerating beyond credibility the numbers of the 
embattled hosts. They seem to think that the account of an action would 
sound tame and unimportant in which the several arms did not amount to 
lakhs. 

Jye Singh himself accompanied the army, and directed its march upon Jak, 
intending to punish the insolence of the inhabitants of that town for having 
refused to give up Deo Singh. He succeeded in destroying the Fort of Jak, 
and subsequently that of Kalinjur, and remained for nearly three years in the 
Mugra, carrying on a petty warfare with the Mairs in their own hills, in which 
his soldiers were generally worsted. In this war he is reported to have spent 
three krores of rupees, and gained nothing in return. He failed in his object 
of subduing the Mair tribes, who, though driven from their villages into the 
fastnesses of the hills, remained firm and united as ever; while the Rajah’s 
army daily became more dispirited and disorganised. At length, despairing 
of success, and pressed by home affairs, he withdrew his forces from the 
Mugra, and returned to Jeypoor; and the Mairs, resuming their old haunts, 
carried on their trade of highway robbery, and plundering villages, with 
renewed vigour. 

In the year 1754, the then reigning Rana of Oodeypoor collected a force 
for an expedition against the Mair fort of Huttoon. The Thakoor of Budnor, 
and Sultan ‘Singh, Thakoor of Mussooda, accompanied that force. The latter 
chief was killed, and the expedition failed. 

In 1778, Bijee Singh, Rajah of Jodhpoor, sent a considerable force under 
a Bhundaree whose name is not remembered, against Chang: this force was 
routed, and retired without effecting anything. After this, one Urjun Singh, 
Thakoor of Raepoor, led a force from Jodhpoor against Kot-Kuranah. The 
Mairs here took the initiative, and attacked this army on its march and 
defeated it with great slaughter. 

About the year 1790, the Thakoor of Kunthaleah, having assembled all 
his own brethren and a number of the men of Marwar, made an attack upon 
Bhaelan. He lost his own life, and the Mairs, having put his followers to 
flight, plundered his camp. 


IMPREGNABILITY OF THE COUNTRY. 


17 


In 1800, Sewahjee Nana, Soobahdar of Ajmeer, on the part of Sindeah, 
commenced hostilities against the Mair villages of Jak and Shamgurh, but 
obtained no advantage over them. He continued, however, for nearly three 
years to make attempts at reprisal and revenge, in return for the ravages 
committed by the Mairs in the Ajmeer district. 

In 1807, Baleh Kao, also a Mahratta, brought a force of 60,000 men into 
the Mugra, with the determination of crippling the Mairs, at least for a season. 
This was a signal for a general rising of the whole of the inhabitants of the 
tract; and the Mairs, Mairats and Rawuts attacked and defeated Baleh Rao, 
who was obliged to retire. 

About the year 1810, Mahomed Shah Khan, and Rajah Buhadoor, de¬ 
pendants of Ameer Khan of Tonk, either at the suggestion of Mawn Singh, 
Rajah of Jodhpoor, or of their own accord, came with a force to Jak, 
ostensibly to seize the property of Dhokul Singh, the posthumous son of 
Bheem Singh, and unsuccessful pretender to the Guddee of Jodhpoor, who 
had fled and was supposed to have left his property in one of the Mair 
villages. These chiefs accomplished nothing, and were eventually obliged to 
withdraw their troops from the neighbourhood of the hills. 

Lastly, in 1816, the army of Bheem Singh, Rana of Oudeypoor, came 
against Burar. This expedition also failed; the Rana’s force suffered great 
loss, and retreated. On this occasion the Chief of Bhugwanpoora lost his life. 

Thus, in the course of twenty years, were so many formidable expeditions 
made against the Hill tribes of Mairwara. They have been related at some 
length in order to show that the efforts made for the subjection of the Mairs 
were in themselves considerable, and such as in the case of states numerically 
stronger, but located in the plain, would in all probability have been suc¬ 
cessful, while on them they produced no effect whatever, unless, indeed, in 
strengthening them and increasing their confidence in their own resources 
and the impregnability of their mountain home; and thus in the very heart 
of hostile states, without rulers or leaders, did these bold freebooters remain 
totally unsubdued, and not only did not pay a kowrie of revenue, but levied 
black mail with no sparing hand from those villages and districts that chose 
to buy the peace and quietness which their own government could not 
guarantee them. 

It remained for a small force of British Sepoys, conducted with European 
order and method, to accomplish, with comparatively little loss, the feat which 
the undisciplined thousands of native powers had attempted in vain. 

D 


18 


CHAPTER IV. 

THE REDUCTION OF THE MAIRS BY A BRITISH FORCE. 

Early in the year 1818, a British force under the personal command of Sir 
David Ochterlony, consisting of eight regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, 
and a proportionate amount of artillery, had marched into Rajpootana, chiefly 
with a view to effecting the dispersion of Ameer Khan’s forces, and confirming 
the newly formed and renewed treaties of alliance and protection with the 
states of Rajpootana. Ameer Khan had previously made terms for himself, 
and had undertaken to give up his guns and disband and disarm his divisions; 
but, with the materials of which his army was composed, this promise was a 
matter of some difficulty, and, without the presence of a formidable and efficient 
force, would very likely never have been effected. As it ultimately proved, 
the whole of the arrangements were most successful. His divisions were dis¬ 
armed one by one, and eventually dispersed in different ways; while, with the 
prudent principle generally acted on by our government, that it is better, at a 
certain expense, to find employment for idle hands than to leave them to follow 
the bent of their own unguided dispositions, two regiments of infantry and 
one corps of irregular cavalry were raised from the debris of his army. 

After this, Bapoo Sindeah, who held the fort of Taragurh, at Ajmeer, for 
the Mahrattas, was compelled to evacuate it. General Ochterlony marched to 
Neemuch with a small force, and a garrison having been placed in Ajmeer, 
the rest of the army, under the command of Brigadier Knox of the cavalry, 
marched to a village called Nandla, one koss from the present military station 
of Nusseerabad, which was then established, and received its name from the 
title of honour bestowed by Shah Alum, Emperor of Dehli, upon General 
Sir David Ochterlony; the first complimentary epithet of which was 
Nusseer-ud-dowlah. 

On the arrival of the British at Ajmeer, and their occupation of the 
country adjacent to it, their serious attention was called to the nature of the 


REDUCTION OF THE MAIRS BY A BRITISH FORCE. 


19 


injury and annoyance sustained from the plundering incursions of the Mairs, 
without whose subjugation it was represented there could be no hope for peace 
and prosperity to the district of Ajmeer, or any of the neighbouring states 
which were now allied with us. 

Mr. Wilder, of the civil service, who had been summoned from Dehli to 
assume the duties of superintendent of the newly acquired province, entered 
into agreements with the Mair towns of Jak, Shamgurh, and Loolooa, and a 
few others, binding them to abstain from plundering. These pledges were, 
however, very little regarded by the Mairs, who still continued to do an extent 
of mischief totally incompatible with the prosperity of the district, and it 
became obvious that the weight of our power was to be brought home to 
them more substantially than by words and treaties. 

With a view to gaining the knowledge of the features of the country so 
necessary for the successful conduct of military operations, a party of four 
officers, accompanied by a strong escort of a company of infantry, a troop of 
cavalry, and a number of Hurkaras, proceeded from Nusseerabad, via Loolooa, 
to Shamgurh in Mairwara. Of this party was Colonel (then Captain) Hall, 
of the Quartermaster-General’s department, who afterwards was intrusted 
with the charge of the district, and who commenced the then apparently 
hopeless task of improving the morals of the Mairs. There was also an officer 
of Engineers; and the party was accompanied by Devee Singh, the Thakoor of 
Mussooda. Having proceeded thus far without molestation, they attempted 
to penetrate by the Jak Ghatta to Dilwara; but the Mairs collected in force 
and occupied the pass in front of them, and they were obliged to alter their 
route, and passed via Soorujpoora to Khurwah, where they halted for the 
night. Some considerable robberies were committed during the night, and a 
sentry and chuprassie are reported to have been wounded; but no serious 
attack was made upon them, and, the necessary local information having been 
gained, the party returned to Nusseerabad. 

The Mairs were also rather anxious to ascertain the character of their 
new neighbours, and it is said that about this time a man was sent from Jak 
to Nusseerabad, as a spy to inspect and report upon the boasted power of the 
British. The first thing he saw was a number of Sepoys undressed, bathing 
and eating; and observing so many of them with the Juneo, or Brahminical 
thread, across their bodies, he conceived the idea that the regiments were 
composed chiefly of Brahmins, seeing that in Rajpootana this distinction is 


20 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


almost entirely confined to that caste; and held them in light esteem ac¬ 
cordingly. He next saw them in the evening, dressed in their red coats, and 
drilling on their respective parades: the exhibition seems to have fairly puzzled 
him, and on returning to his friends he reported that the British regiments 
were composed of Brahmins and women. 

In the month of March, 1819, a detachment, consisting of three regiments 
of native infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and some light guns mounted on 
elephants, marched from Nusseerabad, under Major Lawry of the 2d battalion 
7th regiment native infantry. Three columns of attack were formed, which 
were to reach their destinations simultaneously; one was to proceed to 
Loolooa, and, if successful, to press on in aid of the other two, which were to 
move direct, but from different points and by different routes, upon Jak. 
The result of this well-arranged attack was perfectly successful; the divisions 
were happily conducted, and, though some show of opposition to each column 
took place, the combination and regularity of movement displayed by the 
attacking force, aided, when occasion offered, by a few well-directed discharges 
of shrapnel shells, completely dismayed the enemy, and frustrated their ar¬ 
rangements for resistance. 

Several attempts were subsequently made to beat up the hills and 
jungles; but here we were not a match for the Mairs, their local knowledge 
enabling them, without difficulty, to elude the forces sent against them. 
Recourse was then had to the destruction of their villages, which being 
effected, and three strong police Thanahs having been established on the part 
of Ajmeer, and agreements entered into with the Mairs to abstain from plun¬ 
dering, and for the regular payment of revenue, the troops were withdrawn. 

During the whole of this expedition, the Thakoor, Devee Singh of Mus- 
sooda, rendered every assistance in his power to our forces; and, though the 
extent of it was not very great, it insured him consideration and favour in 
the subsequent arrangements for a final settlement of the Mugra. 

During this period considerable exertions were being made by Captain 
Tod, political agent at Oodeypoor, to bring the Mairs bordering on the state 
of Meywar into subjection; but all assistance from British troops was declined, 
under the conviction that, after our successes in the northern part of the 
country, there would be no necessity for the exertion of further armed com¬ 
pulsion. Events, however, soon proved how little real effect those successes 
had produced, and how vain were the hopes of prevailing on the plundering 


REDUCTION OF THE MAIRS BY A BRITISH FORCE. 


21 


lawless Mairs to relinquish the habits of their forefathers by any other means 
than the strong hand of military power. 

Rather more than a year after the events just related, a lallah, who had 
been sent by Captain Tod to Rampoorah, a town of Meywar, near the Mair 
border, for some reason, proceeded to the village of Borwah in Mairwara. 
Some disturbance occurred, and the inhabitants put this lallah to death; and 
the chuprassie who was with him, escaping, fled to Rampoorah. The men of 
Borwah, inflamed by this act, and joining with the Mairs of Huttoon, Naee, 
and Kuneejur, attacked Anakur and Bheemgurh. The latter was a fort built 
and garrisoned under Captain Tod’s instructions on behalf of Oodeypoor. 

The inhabitants of Jak, hearing of the exploit of their friends of Borwah, 
rose in a body and murdered their Thanadar, with three of his chuprassies, 
while a fourth escaped severely wounded. 

At Loolooa the Mairs also rose, but the Thanadar made a timely escape 
to Mussooda: they plundered his property, and then, joining with the men of 
Jak, marched in a body to Shamgurh; but the inhabitants of that place, 
though they quickly joined the insurrection, protected their Thanadar and 
preserved his life. Thus was the whole district up in arms against the newly 
imposed restraint upon its independence; all authority was thrown off, and 
had it not been for the rapid advance, at Mr. Wilder’s requisition, of a body 
of cavalry for the protection of the plains, the extent of suffering and injury 
to the surrounding country would, in all probability, have been very great. 

Such a state of affairs admitted of no hesitation. A detachment, 
stronger than the former, moved out from Nusseerabad, under the command 
of Lieutenant-Colonel W. G. Maxwell, of the 1st battalion 13th regiment 
native infantry, with all despatch, and possessed itself of Jak, Shamgurh, 
and Loolooa, by arrangements somewhat similar to those adopted on the 
first occasion, and with a similar result. 

Correspondence with the governments of Oodeypoor and Jodhpoor being 
a necessary preliminary to any further progress, a short period of unavoidable 
inactivity intervened; but at length all being arranged, and those states 
agreeing to co-operate to the utmost of their power, our force advanced on 
Borwah and Huttoon by three different routes. Of the first of these, pos¬ 
session was easily taken, but, owing to one of the detachments not attending 
sufficiently to its instructions, Bhoput Khan, the Chief of Huttoon, was 
enabled to throw himself with a garrison into the latter, which was a strong 


22 


SKETCH OF M AIR WAR A. 


fort built of pucka masonry, capable of resisting any force not provided with 
breaching artillery. 

As the provision of battering-guns from Ajmeer would have involved 
much trouble and delay, seeing roads must be made through the hills for their 
passage, an attempt was made to blow open the gate with a 6-pounder. 
The first discharge failed; and so hot a fire of matchlocks was kept up from 
the walls, that orders were given to abandon the gun and retire. This was 
not done before a great number of men had been killed and wounded on our 
side. Thus for two hours or more the gun remained perfectly useless to the 
besiegers, and equally so to the besieged, who dared not venture out to take 
possession of it. At length a party, protected to a certain extent by doors 
which they carried before them in the manner of the ancient testudo , ap¬ 
proached the gun, and, throwing out smoke-balls to cover their operations, 
succeeded in dragging it back. 

In the night, Bhoput Khan and his garrison evacuated the fort and 
retired to Ramgurh. So quietly was this accomplished, that the besiegers 
were unaware of his departure until a party of Sepoys, perceiving the fort was 
empty, set up a loud shout, which announced the fact to their brethren and 
the rest of the force. 

From Huttoon the force marched to Burar. This was a strong position, 
from having several stone inclosures in front of it, placed with considerable 
judgment, and capable of resisting infantry. The artillery, which had been 
previously augmented by the addition of a few pieces of heavy metal, was 
allowed to play for some time, and eventually both the centre and flanks were 
attacked simultaneously, when the Mairs immediately gave way, and were 
pursued pretty closely through the hills, but without sustaining much loss, 
owing to the advantages they derived from local difficulties. In this engage¬ 
ment the Mairs attacked the 6-pounders sword in hand, as the guns, just 
taken from the elephants, were being mounted on their carriages. The 
attacking party was, however, repulsed, and a few rounds of grape induced 
the enemy to retire behind his walls. A second similar attack was made on 
two 5j-inch howitzers, which had taken up another position: there the 
European artillerymen, seizing the muskets from the Sepoys, drove the 
enemy back until the howitzers could be loaded with grape, and the Mairs 
driven within cover of their defences. 

In this attack a thousand men of the Ran a of Oodeypoor’s army were to 


REDUCTION OF THE MAIRS BY A BRITISH FORCE. 


23 


have co-operated, but they did not make their appearance till all was over. 
The Oodeypoor civil functionaries joined previous to the action. 

The next morning Bursawara and Mundela were taken, and, a short time 
after, a detachment of six companies was successful in doing considerable 
injury, for the first time, to a portion of the enemy in their thick jungle 
recesses, where they thought themselves beyond reach. 

At Mundela the troops were required by Captain Tod to halt for some 
time, in order to support the Oodeypoor measures for retaining possession of 
the country. On these being considerably advanced, and three forts nearly 
built, five companies and two guns were ordered to remain till their com¬ 
pletion ; while the rest of the force, except the heavy artillery, moved forward 
on Kot-Kerana and Bugree, which, being taken possession of, were made over 
to Jodhpoor. 

It has been mentioned that Bhoput Khan, on leaving Huttoon, was sup¬ 
posed to have proceeded to Ramgurh. Certain information having about this 
time been received to this effect, a detachment of eight companies, with a 
party of cavalry, marched off in the evening as soon as it was dark, and pro¬ 
ceeded all night through a most difficult country, where in many places the 
pathway would not admit of two men marching abreast, and even for one 
the road was so difficult that a mile and a half an hour was about the rate 
accomplished by the detachment. However, struggling on, they arrived at 
and surrounded Ramgurh by dawn. Just as arrangements were being made 
for an attack, the inhabitants discovered the unexpected danger that impended 
over them, and the alarm was given; but it was too late. No time was lost 
on our part, and the troops, penetrating into the town on all sides, killed and 
wounded 150 men, and took about 200 prisoners. Bhoput Khan of Huttoon 
was among the former. 

This was a decided blow in the midst of their fastnesses, and must have 
proved effectual even had not others followed, in rapid succession, at Chang 
and other places, till nothing more could be wished. 

During these operations the Oodeypoor and Jodhpoor forces were per¬ 
fectly useless; indeed, their habitual dread of the people and country rendered 
them quite incapable of being of use, whatever they might have done under 
other circumstances. 

The submission of numerous towns and villages was received in the due 


24 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


course of our proceedings, and they were given over as claimed, without 
inquiry, to Meywar and Marwar. This rather thoughtless liberality, after we 
had expended both blood and money in subduing the country, was eventually 
the occasion of a great deal of confusion and difficulty, the evil effects of 
which even still exist. 

A detachment of cavalry and infantry being left at Jak, the main body 
of the force was withdrawn at the close of January 1821. Thus, in three 
months, —the insurrection having broken out in November 1820,—the whole 
of Mairwara had been completely brought into subjection, and has remained 


so ever since. 


25 


CHAPTER V. 

ABILITY OF THE MAIRS TO CAUSE EXTENSIVE INJURY — THEIR RELIGION AND 

CUSTOMS. 

The extensive and lasting advantages which have accrued to the surrounding 
states out of the reduction of the Mairs, may be made more apparent by taking 
a cursory review of the means they commanded when in the zenith of their 
power, and the extent of country over which the different clans were wont to 
carry their depredations. 

The town of Shamgurh, with its subordinate villages, situated on the 
eastern face of the hills, and within six miles of the Kusbah of Mussooda, 
belonging to Ajmeer, is said to have held 500 Sowars and a like number of 
men on foot, who were chiefly armed with swords and shields, intermixed 
with a few matchlocks. The country over which it was their prerogative to 
beat, extended from Khurwa to Pesangun, thence by Nurwur to Kishengurh, 
and round by Kekree and Bhinae up to the banks of the Kharee Nuddee, thus 
embracing the whole of the Ajmeer and Kishengurh districts. Plunder and 
robbery being the object of pursuit, the horsemen moved out in small parties 
and infested the public roads. Marriage processions, and people bound on a 
pilgrimage to Pokhur, or to the Ajmeer Durgah, were the game mainly sought 
after by these mounted highwaymen. Those on foot were chiefly engaged on 
cattle lifting, though, an opportunity proving favourable, travellers were rifled 
of their property. To check these marauding incursions, and afford a 
semblance of protection to the country, twelve strong Thanahs, located in 
forts built expressly for the purpose, were posted along the southern frontier 
of the Ajmeer district. These Thanahs were garrisoned by 350 Sowars, 
detached by the Governor of Ajmeer. This force was independent of the 
Sowars and matchlockmen maintained by the Rajpoot chiefs. Hence arose 
the necessity for defending each town and village by a gurhee, or small fort. 

Even these precautions to preserve life and property were found in- 

E 


26 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


sufficient, so daring and untiring were the incursions of the hill-people. 
Each separate village required its distinct protection, and hence the origin of 
the Bhoomeah system, which still obtains in Ajmeer. Lands were set apart 
to various classes of the people, whose duty it was to maintain watch and 
ward, and to protect the cattle and crops of their respective villages. The 
duty of watchman was entrusted to the bravest of the inhabitants: thus, in 
most of the villages holding Bhoomeahs, this important office was filled by 
Rajpoots; in a few the place is occupied by Pathans and Mairs. The 
Bhoomeahs held their lands free of rent in lieu of compensation for service; 
in this manner 61,031 beegahs of land were set apart, exempt from revenue, 
in 111 villages, to support a large body of Chokeydars, or feudal police. 
Large towns maintained a separate establishment of Chokeydars for this 
purpose, which was paid in money. 

Notwithstanding all these protective arrangements, the predatory visits 
of the Mairs underwent little or no alteration. The plan offering most 
security at the smallest expense, was to purchase an immunity from plunder 
or molestation from the Mairs, by paying them black-mail; this, in the 
language of the country, is called Dal Kumlee, implying the provision of food 
and raiment, or, literally, grain and a blanket. Some villages gave the produce 
of one or more wells, according to their extent; the remuneration of others 
consisted in paying a maund and a half of grain from each well, and two 
pieces of coarse cotton cloth annually. It is affirmed that the Chief of 
Khurwa gave 1000 maunds of grain yearly from the village of Lehree, to 
exempt the whole of his putha, or grant of land, from further exactions. In 
like manner, the Gor Rajahs of Rajgurh made over the produce of one village 
to these freebooters, for a similar purpose. In some particular cases, the 
price of protection was paid in a settled amount of money. At the time 
Ajmeer reverted to us, it was unsafe for unarmed people to appear outside 
the walls of the town after sunset, at which time the gates were closed. This 
circumstance alone shows how inadequate were the arrangements of the 
ruling authorities, and how unsuited were the Bhoomeahs to check the 
inroads of the Mairs. Instances have occurred, and places are pointed out, 
marked by a number of slabs, struck erect in the earth, called “ Deolee ” in the 
Ajmeer district, where encounters have taken place between the hill-men and 
people of the plains. As a general rule, they moved out in small parties, 
accordingly as pleasure or caprice prompted. 


POWER OF THE MAIRS TO CAUSE INJURY. 


27 


Six miles to the southward of Shamgurh, located in the midst of the 
hills, are the towns of Jak and Loolooah. They are said to have maintained 
250 horsemen and 400 armed men on foot. Their beat extended over the 
northern portion of Meywar, including Shahpoora. They levied black-mail 
from the country which was apportioned to them as their field of operation 
by the consent of the other Mair towns. 

Huttoon is the next place of note to the south of Jak. Here the Khan, 
with his brethren of Boorwa and Saroth, is said to have commanded 80 Sowars, 
and 600 matchlockmen. Their beat extended over the centre of Meywar, 
embracing many of the principal towns, Bunera, Bhilwara, Mandul, Chittore, 
and Budnore. The Khan received a fourth of the plunder, or contributions 
levied on the country. On the demise of the Chief of Budnore, it is said that 
the Khan was accustomed to tie on the sword to his successor, and that on 
the Khan dying, a like compliment was paid by the Thakoor to his successor. 
On the occasion of the Khan of Huttoon paying his respects to the Rana of 
Oudeypore, he presented a nuzzur of 100 rupees, receiving a horse in return. 

Moving on to the southward along the hills, there were the towns of 
Mundela, Burar, Bursawara, Chapulean and others, to the termination of our 
present jurisdiction, all commanding extensive means through their armed 
inhabitants, and exercising their predatory calling over the southern portion 
of Meywar to the confines of Malwa. Indeed, Mundesore and other large 
towns are said to have suffered occasionally from their inroads. 

On the western face of the hills were the towns of Chang, Maunpoora, 
Kooneeja, Bugree, and Kot-Kurana, all of which possessed extensive means 
of placing Marwar under contribution. The Mairs on this face were wont 
to prey on Marwar from Nagore on the north to Godewar on the south, their 
forays extending to the gates of Jodhpore. It has thus been shown that the 
principalities of Meywar, Marwar, Kishengurh, and Ajmeer were a complete 
prey to the marauding propensities of the tribes of the hills, and that the 
only certain course to secure an immunity from plunder, was by purchasing 
the forbearance of the clans within whose beat they were situated, by an 
allotted quota of grain or money. 

It was the custom of the Mairs, on the occasion of the festivals of the 
Dussera and Holee, to present a goat and a hare to the chiefs of Marwar, 
Meywar, and Ajmeer, nearest whom they were located. Thus, Shamgurh and 
Jak presented such nuzzurs to the Thakoor of Mussooda ; others in like 

E 2 


28 


SKETCH OF MAIKWARA. 


manner to the chiefs of Tal, Loosanee, Deogurh, and Ameth in Meywar. In 
return for this semblance of allegiance paid to them, the Rajpoot chiefs were 
accustomed to indulge the donors in liberal potations of liquor, that fre¬ 
quently extended to intoxication. It is on this practice of presenting a hare, 
a cocoa-nut, or a goat, that various of the chiefs based their claims to the 
hill towns and villages on the reduction of the country. 

The inhabitants of Mairwara are nominally separated into two religious 
divisions, Hindoo and Moosulman. The Mairats are distinguished as 
belonging to the Mahomedan persuasion; yet, with exception of being 
circumcised and burying their dead, all their customs conform to those 
in use with the Mairs. They now give their daughters in marriage to 
the Mairs, and take theirs in return; while within the last two years, 
marriages have taken place amongst themselves. Formerly the Mairats only 
consented to ally their daughters with Moosulmans, principally with the 
Khadims of the Ajmeer Durgah, and occasionally with the families of 
Mahomedans of distinction. Settled habits of industry have naturally led to 
an increase of population; and, as infanticide had been suppressed, and the 
condition of the Khadims was far inferior to that of the Mairs and Mairats 
living under our protection, they have wisely relinquished a custom which 
possessed no advantage or recommendation save that of long usage. The 
common salutation amongst this section of the people is “Ram, Ram,” and 
they eat with the Mairs as of one caste. 

Although the Mairs consider themselves Hindoos, their observances of 
that religion are extremely loose; nor would any one brought up in the 
tenets of that faith acknowledge them as associates. They are perfectly 
regardless of all the forms enjoined as to ablution, the preparation of their 
food, and other set ceremonies. Nor do they pay religious reverence to the 
idols worshipped by orthodox believers of that persuasion. They pay 
devotion to Devee, Deojee, Ullajee, Seetlamata, Ramdeojee, and Bhueeroonjee, 
and celebrate the rites of the Holee and Dewalee. Their principal food is 
Indian corn and barley-bread. They partake freely of sheep, goats, cows, 
and buffaloes, when such food is available. No interdiction exists as to the 
use of spirituous liquors. Hog’s-flesh, deer, fish, and fowls form no portion 
of their diet. Their marriages are conducted after the custom of the 
Hindoos, and it is considered an imperative duty to collect all the clan to 
celebrate the funeral feast of a departed relation. 


KELIGION AND CUSTOMS. 


29 


The Mairs were wont to entertain the fullest belief in witchcraft. A 
woman suspected of exercising this power was submitted to the ordeal of 
having red pepper applied to her eyes. On this application exciting acute 
pain, she was considered as guiltless of the accusation; otherwise she was a 
witch. The superstitious belief in the power of witches has not altogether 
disappeared. An unusual mortality amongst cattle is attributed to the evil 
designs of an old woman. A few years since, the zumeendars of one of the 
villages were collected as usual under the awning of the superintendent’s 
tent, when one of the party observed that an old woman, a reputed witch, 
residing in a neighbouring village, had destroyed three of his children, by 
eating up their livers. The complainant was questioned as to how the 
occurrence took place. He was unable to do more than state the sad result, 
that his children had died in consequence of the loss of their livers. The 
Puteil of the village, a hale, robust man of sixty, was seated with the party. 
The complainant was told that if the witch would eat Lala Puteil’s liver, his 
story would be entitled to implicit credence. The observation caused a 
hearty laugh from all present. On some future visits to that part of the 
district, the people were asked whether the witch of Surbeena had eaten up 
Lala Puteil’s liver. Ridicule had its full force, as was desired, and little is 
now heard of this superstition. 

Some other pernicious customs prevailed, which called for the exercise of 
Colonel Hall’s best abilities in inducing the Mairs to relinquish them. These 
were the sale of women, female infanticide, and slavery. It was customary 
for sons to sell their mothers on the death of their fathers, and for husbands, 
at their own caprice or pleasure, to dispose of their wives, to whom they had 
been lawfully wedded. Women were considered in the light of property, and 
could be disposed of or transferred with the same freedom and facility as 
cattle or land were sold. On the demise of the father, the mother lapsed to 
the son as a part of the paternal inheritance, and he could sell her at his 
pleasure, provided he adhered to the rules observed in his own clan, which 
enjoined, that a man cannot marry the wife of his deceased younger brother, 
but may take in wedlock the widow of his deceased elder brother; the in¬ 
tention being, that the widow may form connection with a junior of the 
family, but cannot be taken as wife by an elder brother. This custom did 
not arise from a want of affection or the absence of natural kind feeling, all of 
which the people enjoyed in common with mankind. It arose from the right 


30 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


of property they considered to have been originally derived by the sum paid 
to the wife’s father on the marriage engagement taking place. The Mairs 
having unlimited personal liberty, would not forego a right each felt to be fully 
his own, as providing remuneration for the sum invested in the purchase of 
the wife. Yet this practice, so strange to civilised ears, was by no means 
considered as a grievance or degradation by the women, who were flattered by 
their commanding a higher price; such being accepted as a testimony of their 
beauty and usefulness in domestic affairs. 

The measures which were adopted in view to the complete prohibition of 
female infanticide, and the marked success which characterised these pro¬ 
ceedings, are fully detailed in Colonel Hall’s report, under date 31st July, 1827. 
The subjoined paragraphs place the subject in an intelligible light: — 

“ Para 5th _It is most satisfactory to be able to report the complete 

and voluntary abolition of the two revolting customs—female infanticide and 
the sale of women. Both crimes were closely connected, having had their 
origin in the heavy expense attending marriage contracts. The sums were 
payable by the male side, were unalterable, equal for the rich and poor, 
without any abatement whatever in favour of the latter. What first es¬ 
tablished the payment is unknown; but it was so sacred, inviolable, and even 
a partial deviation so disgraceful, that the most necessitous of the tribe would 
not incur the imputation. 

“ 8 th .— Hence arose as decided a right over the person of women as over 
cattle or other property. They were inherited and disposed of accordingly, 
to the extent even of sons selling their own mothers. 

“ 7th. —Hence, also, arose infanticide. The sums payable were beyond 
the means of so many, that daughters necessarily remained on hand after 
maturity, entailed immoral disgrace, and thus imposed a necessity for all 
female progeny becoming victims to their family honour. 

“ 8 th .—On the establishment of British rule, both evils gradually di¬ 
minished. Females were not allowed to be transferred except for conjugal 
purposes; their consent was to be obtained, and their choice consulted; kind, 
humane treatment was enforced, and the whole system of considering them as 
mere cattle was discouraged, without any indication, however, of interference 
with the right of property so long existing. 

“ 9 th .—Female infanticide was at once prohibited, and though many, 
no doubt, still fell secret sacrifices from the great facility of undetected 


RELIGION AND CUSTOMS. 


31 


destruction, yet the danger, aided by improved feeling, increased the survivors 
so considerably, as to force upon the Mairs a due sense of the root of the evil, 
and a general wish for its removal by a reduction of the regulated sum of 
contract; but they were averse, indeed declared their inability, to alter their 
long-established sacred custom themselves, and earnestly intreated it might be 
effected by an order of authority, binding all to obedience by heavy penalties. 
This was promised in a general way in case of necessity; but as there were 
many points to be settled, and it was advisable to ascertain the general feeling 
with accuracy, as well as to avoid interference if possible, a general punchayut 
was strongly urged, either to decide the matter, or, at all events, aid in the 
framing of appropriate regulations. 

“ 10th .—After the lapse of a few months allowed for consideration, the 
whole was settled in public punchayut, and its resolutions were confirmed 
without the slightest alteration; so that the proceeding originated with, and 
has been carried through by, the inhabitants themselves; nor has there been 
a single petition against it, either pending or subsequent to adjustment. 

“ 11th .—They have lowered the sum payable on marriage contracts, 
abolished all right of subsequent sale, and fixed a year’s imprisonment, or 200 
rupees fine with exclusion from caste, as the punishment for deviation.” 

At this convention it was determined, that the Gooroo, or priest, should 
receive seven rupees on the celebration of a marriage, the Dholee, or minstrel, 
forty, and that the remuneration to the bride’s father be restricted to 106 
rupees. Thus infanticide received its death-blow through the diminution of 
the expense attendant on marriage, which was now brought within the means 
of all sections of society. For many years past no female children have been 
put to death. The practice has fallen altogether into desuetude. Indeed, so 
greatly have the ideas of the people changed on this and other usages since the 
introduction of our rule, that the commission of such an act would now be viewed 
as a most heinous crime. Personal advantage has, however, had its weight 
in bringing round the desirable reform. Daughters are no longer looked upon 
as a source of trouble and anxiety; marriage being open to the poorest classes, 
they are much in requisition. Hence fathers rejoice on the birth of a 
daughter, seeing they are now regarded as a source of wealth. 

The remarriage of widows was also provided for at the Convention of the 
Elders. Twelve days after the demise of the husband, two Orhnees, mantles 
worn by females, were placed before the widow from which to make a 


32 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


selection: one being dyed red, and the other white. If her choice fell on the 
coloured mantle, it implied she preferred remarriage, and she was at liberty to 
be united in wedlock with her deceased husband’s younger brother. Her 
wishes not coinciding in this arrangement, she was allowed to make election 
of a husband wherever her inclination prompted. The person who accepted 
her in marriage paid the son or brothers of the widow a sum varying from 
200 to 500 rupees. Thus, in the estimation of this wild people, a widow was 
considered of greater value than a young maiden. The money thus realised 
from the remarriage of the mother went to provide the sons with wives. If 
the widow were desirous of bringing up her family, and of remaining at the 
head of her own domestic affairs, she took the white Orhnee. 

Though infanticide had been at once checked by the decree of the 
punchayut, yet it was a matter of considerable difficulty to restrain husbands 
from selling their wives. The interference of authority was necessary on all 
occasions where a deviation from the decision of the Elders was made known. 
The bargain was annulled, the wife taken back, and the money returned ; a 
small fine being imposed on both parties on account of their dereliction from 
established rule. Should the husband refuse to take back his wife, he was at 
liberty to give her freedom to follow the bent of her inclination; but on no 
account was her sale sanctioned. 

Various kinds of slavery existed amongst this primitive people; but its 
condition was exempt from the tyranny and ill-usage with which we are 
accustomed to associate our ideas in connection with this state of life. The 
slave was considered as property, and descended from father to son. He was, 
however, well treated, and was allowed to possess property and to marry, 
with the consent of his master. Nominally, the master owned all the slave 
possessed; but he rarely took advantage of his position. Slaves were acquired 
under various circumstances. The most productive source was the progeny 
from male and female slaves. Some were acquired by purchase. All people 
seized in battle, or while out on plundering excursions, were considered as 
such, unless redeemed in the course of a few years. Slaves of both sexes 
belonging to one master were not allowed to intermarry or to have immoral 
intercourse, as they were viewed as brothers and sisters; but such was al¬ 
lowed with the slaves of another master. Slaves cannot become Mairs, nor 
can Mairs become slaves. 

Two or three other kinds of bondage obtained amongst this people which 


VARIETIES OF BONDAGE. 


33 


may receive a brief notice. Of these one was denominated “ Chotee-kut.” 
A man suffering, from great oppression proceeds to one of the chiefs, solicits 
his protection, and cuts off his chotee, the lock of hair preserved by the 
Hindoos on the top of the head, saying, “ I am your chotee-kut, preserve me 
from oppression.” The chief places a turban on his head and renders him all 
the support in his power—keeping him in his own village. On the demise 
of the chotee-kut, his property lapses to the chief, unless any of the relations 
of the deceased reside in the same village. The chief, in return for his pro¬ 
tection, receives a fourth of his gains arising from all plundering expe¬ 
ditions. 

Another kind of bondage is called Bussee, which differs only from Chotee- 
kut from a written engagement being entered into instead of cutting off the 
lock of hair. All castes may become bussees, while Chotee-kut cannot be 
provided from amongst those who lean towards Mahomedanism. 

Oonglee-kut is a third kind of servitude. It is of a milder form than 
those already mentioned, since the duty and respect paid are that of a son 
towards a father. Nor is any power exercised over life and property. The 
ceremony of Oonglee-kut is performed by cutting off the little finger and 
giving some of the blood to the chief when protection is accorded. It extends 
to all castes. 

These three species of voluntary bondage evidently owe their origin to the 
state of circumstances then prevailing in the country. A poor man could not 
obtain justice, and being unable to bear up against his powerful oppressors, 
desperation drove him to seek shelter from some chief; and, as he possessed 
no means of remunerating his protector, he relinquished what is prized by 
all, his personal liberty, rather than live under grievances too keen for en¬ 
durance. 

This people bear the character of being faithful, kind, and generous: pos¬ 
sessing a strong clannish attachment towards each other. They are bold, 
very regardless of life, and always ready to take their own or that of others 
for trifling causes. They are easily excited to desperate acts, and as easily 
subdued by a mild address, or if time be allowed them to cool. They are 
much attached to their families. The dishonour of their wives was avenged 
by death alone. Indeed, the sword was their constant companion, and the 
arbitrator and assuager of all injuries. Feuds not avenged in one generation 

F 


34 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA 


were handed down as an heirloom to their descendants, to be dealt with as 
occasion and opportunity allowed. 

Though residing in the hills, their stature is by no means low. They are 
of all sizes, well made, good-looking, active and hardy. Armed with a sword 
and shield, they will face any danger fearlessly. They constantly encounter 
tigers without any other weapons; but they never boast of their exploits, 
and think they have only performed their duty in exposing their lives to all 
hazards. 


35 


CHAPTER VI. 

ARRANGEMENTS CONSEQUENT ON THE SUBJUGATION OF THE TRACT.—AN EFFICIENT 
GOVERNMENT AT LENGTH ESTABLISHED. 

Having thus noticed the peculiar characteristics of the denizens of the Mair- 
wara hills, it is time to advert to the arrangements which followed on the 
subjugation of the country. It has already been stated that towns and villages, 
as they were reduced, were given over, without enquiry, to the states of Marwar 
and Meywar, accordingly as they were claimed. It became necessary to provide 
for the government of that portion of the tract which belonged to Ajmeer. 
Mr. Wilder, the then superintendant, was unable to command leisure for this 
important duty. His time was wholly engrossed in attending to official calls, 
unusually heavy, consequent on the recent transfer of the province to British 
rule. It was manifest that the success of future measures chiefly depended 
on the arrangements that should be made to govern this newly acquired 
hill territory; if our plans were well matured at the commencement, there 
was a confident promise of a favorable result. The duty to be performed 
was of no ordinary cast; it was one of considerable anxiety and diffi¬ 
culty. The people had been conquered without calling for the exercise of 
any extraordinary force or much solicitude. This had proved a matter of 
comparative ease. We had now to gain their affections, to command their 
goodwill in following the path pointed out to them, to win them over to 
habits of industry, and to habituate them to customs of civilised life. We had 
to prove to them, that in subduing them, our chief source of solicitude was to 
improve their social condition, and in all respects to administer to their comfort 
and welfare. We had failed in restraining them from plundering, and in ex¬ 
acting their allegiance on the first reduction of the towns of Jak, Loolooah, 
and Shamgurh, when Thanahs were established at those places. It was evident 
the chaos of misrule and disunion which then prevailed could not be moulded 
into form and order by the hands of a Thanadar. A closer connection betwF*™ 

T 2 


36 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


the British rulers and the people was indispensable. In this view it appeared 
desirable that the benevolent intentions of the Government would be best 
carried out by appointing some able, tried officer, whose especial duty it should 
be to watch and rule over them. These considerations being duly weighed, 
the plan of procedure was determined on. 

Captain H. Hall, of the Quartermaster-General’s department, was 
selected by the Marquess of Hastings for this important office. This officer 
was happy in enjoying the confidence of Sir David Ochterlony, the Resident 
in Malwa and Rajpootana. He was of tried abilities, and possessed a dis¬ 
position admirably adapted for the purpose; such being characterised by 
firmness, tempered with great conciliation and forbearance. Subsequent 
events have most fully justified this selection. In speaking of the formation 
of the Mair regiment, mention will be made of the handsome manner in 
which the Governor-General was pleased to invest this officer with political 
and military duties. It is, however, proper to notice at some length the 
manner in which the tract was managed after its reduction, and to state the 
circumstances which influenced the government in having recourse to these 
measures. 

Captain Tod, in the name of the Rana, made very judicious arrange¬ 
ments for the management of the territory acquired by Oudeypore. It was 
subjected to the control of one governor, associated with a native officer of 
his own. A corps consisting of 600 matchlockmen was raised expressly for 
its duties. Moreover, the revenue assessment was determined. As little 
dependence was to be placed on the judgment and integrity of the native 
authorities, Captain Tod, in the early part of the arrangement, devoted much 
attention to the well-working of the new system. All orders affecting their 
welfare emanating from him, the people were accustomed to consider him as 
their ruler. The revenue they paid to the state was given, as it were, to 
him, whom they recognised as their sovereign; for they had never paid 
revenue to any native government or chief. 

A totally different policy was observed by Jodhpoor. The border chiefs 
were allowed to hold the management of the Mair villages within their own 
immediate vicinity. Few of them were declared Khalsa, as immediately 
appertaining to the sovereign. By this plan, all unity of arrangement was 
sacrificed. There was no single controlling authority. Each chief followed 
the bent of his own wishes. Mutual assistance was not rendered. Nor were 


ARRANGEMENTS CONSEQUENT ON SUBJUGATION. 


37 


the Thakoors desirous of the establishment of order, or of the authority of 
their prince: for in times of adversity they had been used to seek shelter and 
refuge in the hill fastnesses from his tyranny and oppression. Thus, all 
measures involving good order and arrangement were received most reluc¬ 
tantly by the Marwar chiefs. They were solicitous no change or improvement 
should ensue, and hence the opposition they offered. 

All the Ajmeer villages were declared Khalsa, and for a short time 
continued under the orders of Mr. Wilder. 

Thus, there were three different governments established over a people 
which had never before been reduced to subjection. Nor was there any 
controlling authority to ensure unity of purpose, to effect measures of 
amelioration, or to guard against exasperated feelings arising from the feuds 
of ages. Anarchy and confusion were the natural consequences of this 
diversity of government and want of co-operation. Captain Tod had 
other important duties to attend to, and he was too distant to exercise an 
efficient supervision over the Oudeypore villages. Crime continued to 
increase rapidly. The criminals of one portion of the country found security 
in another. Punishments were arbitrary and severe, frequently extending to 
life. Revenge was the consequence of these cruel measures. Large bands 
of armed men were organised, and they infested every part of the tract. 
Indeed, it might be said the country was possessed by a revengeful, murderous 
banditti. Remedial measures were out of the question; nor could they be 
expected while such discord prevailed among the ruling powers, allowing 
even each system of management to be in other respects good. 

Matters had now attained such a crisis that the native governments 
would have been expelled if unsupported by us; and as we exercised no 
general interference to ensure a milder or more equitable administration, our 
interposition virtually operated as an instrument of tyranny and oppression, 
over a people which was at least entitled to our protection, as we had been 
their first and only conquerors. 

Of the urgent necessity of some general arrangement, the British 
government was early sensible; but much repugnance existed. Many 
interests were concerned ; the free consent of all might not easily be obtained, 
and more local corps were not to be raised. In the mean time, the force of 
events urgently enjoined the immediate adoption of some stringent measures, 
and it was finally determined that a battalion should be raised, formed 


38 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


principally from amongst the Mairs, and that the whole tract should be 
brought under our management. An officer was to be appointed to this difficult 
duty, and to be invested with full authority, civil and military, subject only 
to the control of the Kesident; and a negotiation was to be entered into with 
Jodhpore and Oudeypore for a temporary cession of their respective portions; 
each state contributing an equitable share towards the military and civil 
expenses, and receiving credit in account for the surplus revenue of its 
lands. 

The measures above specified would have been readily accepted, had the 
proposal been made at a seasonable time. But the states had obtained the 
country through our arms, and they indulged a confident hope of retaining it 
through our influence. Although the princes might not be adverse to the 
transfer, all their public advisers were displeased with the measure, since it 
took the patronage and powder out of their hands, and servants of our own 
selection were to be placed in office instead of the minister’s friends. It 
was this contrariety of interests which caused repugnance to the measure. 

At length, in May 1823, at the request of General Ochterlony, Meywar 
consented to transfer her villages to us for ten years, paying us 15,000 rupees 
annually for the civil and military expenses. And early in 1824, Jodhpore 
agreed to make over the management of her Khalsa villages to us for eight 
years, she being charged 15,000 rupees for the district expenses. The bulk 
of the Mair villages which had been subdued remained in the hands of the 
border chiefs, who were enjoined to attend to all requisitions from the super¬ 
intendent, since he was required to exercise a vigilant police supervision 
over the whole. 

In this partial transfer much was sacrificed to please the Jodhpore court, 
not merely as referred to the Bajah’s pecuniary advantages, but as affected 
the general success of the plan. For had the whole of the Marwar Mair 
villages been transferred, in place of being frittered away amongst the chiefs, 
we might now, instead of claiming an annual deficit, be paying the Jodhpore 
Legion from the surplus revenue of her villages, as is observed in respect to 
the Meywar Bheel Corps, which now receives the greater portion of its pay 
from the Meywar Mair villages. The villages of the Marwar chiefs, which 
are now only very partially cultivated, would have had their capabilities 
developed; and the western face of the Mairwara hills would have been 
marked by the same high state of cultivation and prosperity which charac- 


AN EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED. 


39 


terises the eastern. It is now too late to encourage any hope of reform. 
Too long a period has intervened since their transfer; nor would the British 
government desire to burthen themselves with onerous and anxious re¬ 
sponsibilities, unless the general peace of the country warranted their 
interference. 

The extent of criminal combination which existed on our receiving 
charge of the portions of the tract from Marwar and Meywar, was far greater 
than could have been anticipated, considering the short time it laboured 
under such disconnected and unpropitious management. For some months 
after the transfer, the passes were all closed, except to large bodies of armed 
men. Chuprassees were cut off, prisoners were rescued; some of the public 
establishments, though under the protection of escorts, were killed. Several 
gangs of banditti, rendered daring and desperate from real or imagined 
wrongs, controlled the whole country. This feeling extended to all the 
inhabitants, and, whether from combination or from fear, it was extremely 
difficult to obtain correct information. 

The dissolution of this intimate connection was a subject of the first 
importance; and it was a matter of extreme satisfaction that it was effected, 
after a period of six months’ active operations, by the Mairs themselves, who 
became the efficient instruments of their own reform. Several bands were 
completely broken up, and the most renowned leaders captured. The passes 
were thrown open, and trade traversed unmolested and without protection. 
Single Chuprassees were substituted in lieu of armed men, for all purposes of 
police and revenue; and thus, under the guidance of one master-hand, a 
regular government was, for the first time, established throughout the tract. 


40 


CHAPTER VII. 

FORMATION OF A MAIR CORPS: ITS DUTIES AND USEFULNESS AS AN AGENT IN 
THE CIVILISATION OF THE PEOPLE OF MAIRWARA. 


On the withdrawal of the British force in January, 1821, Marwar proceeded 
to establish strong Thanahs at Chang and Kot-Kurana. Meywar, in like 
manner, made her arrangements for the military tenure of her hill pos¬ 
sessions. A corps of 600 matchlockmen was raised, which provided garrisons 
for the forts of Todgurh, Burar, Mundela, and other strongholds, which had 
been built to awe the inhabitants into obedience. Our own Thanahs were 
re-established at the towns of Jak, Loolooa, and Shamgurh; while two 
companies of the Rampoora Local Battalion, then stationed at Nusseerabad, 
with a detachment of Irregular Cavalry, were posted at Beawr. 

The subject having received mature consideration, the resolution of the 
Government to raise the Mairwara Battalion was published in General Orders 
by the Governor-General in Council, dated 28th June, 1822. The main 
points of this order are noticed below.* A large draft from the Rampoora 


* General Orders by His Excellency the most noble the Governor-General 

in Council. 


Fort William, 28 th June, 1822 . 

The most noble the Governor General in Council having determined to raise a Local Corps 
in Mairwara, to be composed in the first instance of drafts from the Rampoora Battalion, to the 
extent hereafter indicated, and completed with Mair recruits, 

2d. The new Corps will be designated the Mairwara Local Battalion, and will consist of 
Eight Companies, each Company of the following strength ; viz., 


1 Subadar, 

2 Jemadars, 

5 Havildars, 

5 Naicks, 

2 Drummers, and 
70 Privates. 


3d. The whole of the Native Commissioned, Non-Commissioned Officers, and Drummers, 


FORMATION OF A MAIR CORPS. 


41 


Local Battalion was to form the nucleus of the new corps. On Nuwab Meer 
Khan yielding to our authority during the Pindaree war of 1817-18, the 
disbandment of his army formed one of the articles of the treaty. Such of 
his men as were found fit for service and willing to enlist were engaged by 
us, and formed into a regiment of Irregular Cavalry, and two battalions of 
Infantry. The Cavalry, after being embodied about three years, was dis¬ 
banded ; the men receiving grants of land in Hurreana, in lieu of pensions. 
About the same time, the Infantry merged into one corps, the Rampoora 
Local Battalion. It was from this corps, the debris of Meer Khan’s army, 
that drafts were taken as the basis for the new Mair Battalion. The latitude 
of the General Order admitted of the entertainment of 340 Mairs as Sepoys, 
besides the number required to complete the vacancies for 8 Jemadars, 
16 Havildars, and 16 Naicks. The prominent feature of this order was the 
option accorded by the government to the Commandant, of retaining com¬ 
mand of the corps after it had been raised and reported disciplined by the 
General Officer of the Division, or of returning to the Quartermaster- 
General’s department, with the benefits of any promotion to which he would 
have succeeded had he never quitted it. Such condescension and kind 
consideration on the part of the government are matters of extremely rare 
occurrence. Fortunately for the welfare of the rude tribes over which he 
was appointed to rule, this officer continued to devote the whole of his 
energies and time to the improvement of their social condition until the 
early part of 1835, when sickness oblige'd him to seek the restoration of his 
health in a more congenial climate. 

The cantonment of the new corps was fixed near the old town of Beawr. 


1 Jemadar, 2 Havildars, and 2 Naicks per Company, will immediately be furnished by drafts 
from the Rampoora Battalion. 

4th. The vacancies for 1 Jemadar, 2 Havildars, and 2 Naicks per Company, will hereafter 
be filled up by those Mairs who may evince the greatest attention to duty and discipline, and 
who may qualify themselves the soonest to hold those situations. 

5th. No Mair is to be advanced to the grade of Subadar until, after a period of five years’ 
faithful service, he shall have rendered himself worthy, in the opinion of his Commanding 
Officer, to be recommended to His Excellency the Commander in Chief for promotion to that 
rank. Captain H. Hall, 16th Regiment Native Infantry, Deputy Assistant Quartermaster- 
General, is appointed to command the Mairwara Local Battalion, with the option of retaining 
that command, when the Corps shall have been raised and reported disciplined by the General 
Officer commanding the Division, or of returning to the Quartermaster-General’s Department, 
with the benefit of any promotion to which he would have succeeded had he never quitted it. 


G 


42 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


This place, with the now flourishing purgunah attached to it, had been a 
complete jungle waste during the two centuries which preceded the subjugation 
of the tract. It was at the time of the formation of the corps rising into new 
life and energy. The Elders amongst the people were invited to have their 
sons enrolled as sepoys. The proposition possessing novelty, was received, as 
is the usual case with all innovations, with some degree of mistrust. Recruits, 
however, came to be enrolled, and the first consideration was to have them 
well washed, for the people were exceedingly dirty in their habits; scarcely 
ever bathing or changing their clothes from the day they were first put on 
until they were fairly worn out. Many, having served a short time, would 
return to their villages, the parade duty and subordination required of them 
being considered incompatible with their feelings of independence and liberty. 
To prevent the recruits returning to their homes at night, some precautionary 
measures of restriction were resorted to. It is from this circumstance, 
perhaps, the idea was entertained by some of the Elders, that it was our 
intention to collect the youth of the country, nominally, to be enrolled as 
sepoys in the corps, but actually to be made away with, so that we should 
receive no opposition save from the old people. Apprehension and misgivings 
quickly yielded to kindness and conciliation. The promotion of some of the 
smartest men to the rank of commissioned and non-commissioned officers, 
speedily dispelled all doubts as to the sincerity of our intentions. Con¬ 
fidence having once been restored, service in the corps was eagerly sought 
after by the youthful Mairs. 

In concluding his report upon Mairwara, dated in December, 1834, 
Colonel Hall makes the following observations in reference to the corps:—“ It 
is almost superfluous to say anything about the Mairwara corps; yet, as a 
matter of record, it may be proper to state that it has from the beginning 
discharged its duties with the utmost fidelity. In no instance has any portion 
of it betrayed its trust, whether in charge of treasure or prisoners, though the 
latter are the relatives, in every degree, of the guards over them. Some are 
prone to indulge in liquor and expense; but good conduct prevails in general. 
No unreasonable trouble is given; nor from the beginning has any bad feeling 
been indicated between the heterogeneous classes of which the battalion 
consists. The parade movements, the same as practised by corps of the line, 
are performed with promptness, ease, precision, and rapidity, without any 
previous explanation; and reviewing officers have always expressed their ap- 


REVIEWING OFFICERS’ OPINION OF MAIR CORPS. 


43 


probation on these points. In dress it is much inferior to the line ; the belts 
being black and pay so small, that everything causing expenditure is studiously 
avoided, and essentials alone attended to. From the spirit and forwardness 
the men have invariably evinced, no doubt can exist as to how they would 
deal with an enemy. The corps has contributed materially towards reforming 
the Mair population. The regularity of conduct, punctual discharge of duty, 
cleanliness, and unqualified submission required; the good faith observed in 
all transactions, the congenial subsistence offered to many, the full confidence 
reposed and the kind treatment shown, could not fail of conciliatory effect; 
besides, on the other hand, its being a body for coercion, which the popula¬ 
tion must have been well convinced was fully qualified, from bravery, fidelity, 
and local knowledge, to inflict ample punishment, should the necessity be 
imposed. 

“From the severity of duty, the corps was augmented, in 1785, from 
seventy to eighty men per company, and in 1826, 160 of Meer Khan’s drafts, 
with a due proportion of commissioned and non-commissioned officers, were 
received as supernumeraries from the Rampoora Local Battalion, on its 
breaking up.” 

Colonel Hall has observed, that reviewing officers have always expressed 
their full approbation at the performance of the field movements of the corps. 
The Battalion order-books, containing the sentiments of the general officers 
who have from time to time inspected the battalion, show unquestionable 
authority for this approbation. It will, however, not prove uninteresting to 
notice the opinion entertained by Brigadier Fagan on the occasion of the first 
inspection of the corps after it had been raised: — 

“ Beawr, Tuesday, 21st August, 1827. 

“ District Orders issued by Brigadier Fagan , commanding Rajpootana 

Field Force. 

11 Having completed the inspection of the Mairwara Local Battalion, 
commanded by Captain Hall, the superintendent of the Mairwara district, the 
Brigadier commanding the Rajpootana Field Force performs an act of duty, 
as just to the officer immediately interested in it as it is gratifying to himself, 
in publicly expressing the high satisfaction he has derived from every part of 
its discipline which has fallen under his observation, and from the result of 
every enquiry he has made regarding it. 


44 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


“ In the judiciously selected manoeuvres performed on Friday morning, 
quick and unerring apprehension of the word of command, facility of execution, 
celerity combined with accuracy of movement, warrant the assumption, that 
the Mairwara Local Corps would stand the test of comparison with some of 
the best disciplined regiments in the service, and, in the opinion of the 
Brigadier, it reflects no ordinary degree of credit on Captain Hall, that he has 
happily united zealous attention to the minute details of a soldier’s duty with 
the sedulous discharge of more difficult, though not more honourable functions; 
and that,' from the elements of a population characteristically distinguished 
until recently by its irregular and predatory habits, he has formed and 
disciplined a body of men whose orderly and subordinate conduct afford the 
surest pledge of their efficiency.” 

These are the sentiments of the talented and distinguished officer who 
for many years held the elevated post of adjutant-general of the army; and, 
emanating from so high an authority, this marked notice is the more to be 
appreciated. 

In 1832, two complete companies were detached to Ajmeer, one of which 
formed the escort of the Agent Governor-General, while the other took the 
town duties of that city. As this heavy numerical call on the services of the 
corps was found to be highly inconvenient to the men and injurious to the 
discipline of the battalion, inasmuch as the district commands had to be 
maintained, and the usual civil and military duties at head quarters to be 
performed, the Governor-General was pleased, in 1838, to restrict the quota of 
assistance furnished to Ajmeer to one company, which is now employed for 
the town duties. 

Detachments occupy the forts of Saroth, Kot-Kurana, Todgurh, and 
Dewair in the Mairwara district; while, to protect trade and afford confidence 
to travellers, small details are posted at the passes of Sheopoora, Loolooah, 
and Boorwar. The battalion provides guards for the treasury, the town of 
Nya Nuggur, and for the gaol; the sepoys guarding the prisoners while 
engaged at work, since no separate establishment is sanctioned for this duty. 
The ordinary Regimental Guards are maintained, but at the lowest standard, 
owing to the paucity of men at head quarters. To these duties may be added 
constant recurring calls for escorts to relieve parties from the cantonment of 
the Jodhpore Legion proceeding to Ajmeer or Nusseerabad, or vice versa. 
The corps has more than the ordinary routine share of duty to perform, and 


DUTIES AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CORPS. 


45 


it would be highly injudicious to increase those duties without providing for 
the contingency by a corresponding numerical increase of strength. 

The present constitution of the corps is as follows: — 

Poorubees, men from the provinces, or other castes 
than Mairs - 299 

Mairs and Mairats - - - - 461 

Total 760 

After the corps had distinguished itself on service in 1839, the Mair 
officers were promoted to the rank of Subadar. The promotion is now fairly 
apportioned among the Mairs and Poorubees, according to their relative 
numerical strength. 

The Meer Khanees, who were transferred to the corps, first in 1822 and 
then in 1826, are decreasing yearly by transfer to the Invalid Pension Establish¬ 
ment. In a pecuniary point of view, the transfer of these men to the corps was 
unavoidable, since it offered the only available means for absorbing the Ram- 
poora Local Battalion, previous to disbandment. In all other respects, the 
measure was to be deprecated; for the promotion of the Mairs was checked 
for some years, and the corps was burthened with old men of questionable caste, 
neither useful for duty nor ornamental in appearance, instead of vacancies 
being supplied by youthful Mairs or Poorubees of good caste. 

Until 1835, many of the Mair sepoys were accustomed to take their 
discharge after three years’ service, their intention in entering the corps being 
to save sufficient money for the purchase of a couple of bullocks. Having 
attained the object of their ambition, they would return to their villages, to 
take up the occupation of husbandmen. Since that period, Tukavee advances 
have been freely imparted to all persons to whom it was desirable to afford 
pecuniary aid for agricultural purposes. Still discharges from the corps are 
frequent. The construction of works of irrigation, by which waste land is 
brought into productive fertility, when taking place at the villages inhabited 
by the sepoys, induces them at once to seek their discharge and become cul¬ 
tivators. Havildars and Naicks, with the Pension Establishment only a few 
years in prospective, have been induced to quit the corps and apply their 
energies to the tilling of the land. Thus the Battalion is the school in which 
the youth are taught obedience and the arts of civilised life. Remaining with 
it sufficiently long to have attained confirmed habits of civilisation, they return 
to their homes to impart their knowledge to their village, and themselves become 


46 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


tutors. In this manner has the corps proved an instrument of great utility 
in disseminating knowledge and conducing to aid us in the social advancement 
and improvement of the rural population. 

Although agriculture has called many men from the corps to devote their 
energies to its service, still recruits are to be had in ample number. The 
improved means of the people, their steady habits of industry, coupled with 
marriage, which is enjoined on all, have tended to the increase of population, 
and though ample room is offered for the employment of all the people around 
Beawr in the tillage of the soil, choice and the imagined charms of a military 
life still induce a fraction of the rising generation to seek their fortunes by 
enlistment. 

It may not be irrelevant to the subject at this juncture, or prove unin¬ 
teresting, to take a short review of the circumstances attending the first occasion 
on which the services of the Mair battalion were called into active employment 
in the field. The subject will be treated with all the brevity consistent with 
intelligibility and perspicuity. 

For some years prior to 1839, various Thakoors of Mar war, who had 
been dispossessed of their paternal estates by the Maharaja of that country, 
Maun Singh, took to plundering the highways. Their principal game was 
caravans of merchandize passing up from the coast by the mart of Palee to 
the northward, or vice versa. Marriage processions were attacked, and some 
of the principal females were carried off to the fastnesses of the robbers, for 
the sake of the redemption-money. So frequent were these forays, and so 
extensive the loss of property, that the operations of commerce, so far as 
referred to the transit of merchandize, were paralyzed. The seven outlawed 
Thakoors, of whom Chimun Singh Chumpawut was the chosen leader, had 
taken up their place of abode in the dense and almost impenetrable hill jungles 
below the Mairwara district, in Marwar, and within a few miles of the 
Marwar town of Kot. From this retreat scouts were detached to bring inform¬ 
ation from the principal towns of Marwar as to the time and route by which 
merchandize or marriage processions would move. The banditti were mounted 
on small but strong horses, inured to privation and fatigue, and capable of 
travelling sixty or eighty miles in the course of the twenty-four hours. Their 
numbers were variable: from four to six hundred was their assumed strength. 
On receiving intelligence of the march of a kafila, the bandits emerged from 
their fastnesses and proceeded intent on the work of plunder. The spoil was 


DISPERSION OF BANDITTI BY THE MAIR CORPS. 


47 


brought back to their retreat and leisurely disposed of to traders for a reason¬ 
able consideration. The town of Nya Nuggur, then in its infancy, was a suf¬ 
ferer in the persons of its traders; and the necessity for putting a complete 
stop to this system of wholesale plunder was urged on the notice of the Marwar 
authorities. On one occasion, a force accompanied by guns moved to the 
town of Kot, in view to drive the outlaws from their jungle recess! The com¬ 
mandant of the party, for reasons best known to himself, reported to the 
Durbar there were no robbers located near that spot. Notwithstanding the 
Marwar official told a different tale, the plundering excursions continued, and 
were so frequent that transit trade came to a stand-still. It was now necessary 
to bring the subject to the prominent notice of the British government. The 
extreme necessity of putting down this organised system of plunder was. on 
several occasions, pressed on its consideration. On the last occasion it was sub¬ 
mitted, that the Mair Battalion conjoined with the Jodhpore Legion would 
annihilate the banditti, and release commerce from the fetters with which it 
was then shackled, were sanction accorded. 

The main object of the outlaws was to attract the attention of the Durbar 
through plunder. They were aware all acts of spoliation would be reported to 
His Highness, and they indulged a hope that an exemption from plunder would 
be cheaply bought by reinstating them in possession of their paternal lands. 
This was all they desired. They were not robbers by profession, but through 
necessity, and as their Prince would not restore them to their rights, they 
determined to do all the injury that could be effected to his subjects, through 
revenge. Raja Maun Singh, it is affirmed, heard of the injury sustained by 
commerce as the occurrences were from time to time communicated to him. His 
invariable answer was “ Theek! Theek! ” signifying “ True! true! ” He made 
no advance beyond this monosyllable, and the people might long have suffered 
under their loss and injuries, had their removal solely rested with His Highness. 

The last appeal to the Governor-General had been attended with the desired 
result. His Lordship sanctioned the attack and dispersion of the robbers as 
had been proposed for his approval; intimating at the same time that it 
was the fixed determination of the Government to enforce the preservation 
of the public peace in Rajpootana where native powers neglected so to do. 

Having served in the Nepaul campaigns during 1814, 1815, and 1816, at 
the bombardment of Hatrass in 1817, during the Pindaree campaign in 1817- 
18, and at the reduction of Mairwara in 1820-21, the projector of this enter- 


48 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


prise had become pretty familiar with field operations, and indulged a confident 
hope success would crown his exertions. It is true the race he was about 
to lead had twice attacked his guns, sword in hand, during the Mairwara 
subjugation. But this circumstance, so far from operating to their disad¬ 
vantage, was a strong confirmation of their bravery and indomitable bearing 
before an enemy. All preliminary matters having been satisfactorily arranged, 
the troops were put in motion. The two subjoined official communications 
show the favourable issue of this expedition. 

“ To Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland , Officiating Agent Governor-General, 

Rajpootana . 

11 Sir,—With reference to the orders conveyed in Mr. Secretary 
Maddock’s letter of the 7th, and your communication of the 27th ultimo, I 
have the honour to report, for the information of the Right Honourable the 
Governor-General of India, that, by preconcerted arrangements, the Mairwara 
Battalion and Jodhpore Legion moved by forced marches from their canton¬ 
ments, distant respectively one hundred and fifty-five miles, and arrived at 
their assigned posts, ready to commence the attack of Kot and the Dhanas of 
the banditti, one hour before daybreak yesterday morning. The Jodhpore 
Legion immediately surrounded Kot with detachments of horse and foot, while 
the remainder moved to act in concert with the Mairwara Battalion. The 
latter corps moving through the fastnesses of the hills arrived within the vicinity 
of Kot Ka Dhana, the place at which the greatest resistance was expected, 
shortly before dawn; a small detachment having been previously detached to 
the rear of the place, for the purpose of cutting off the retreat of the outlaws. 
The main body of the Battalion was met by a discharge from jinjals and mus¬ 
ketry in front, and a strong fire from musketry from the hill jungle on the 
right. The fire was immediately returned by the Mairs, and the whole moved 
on, overcoming all resistance until its arrival at Kot Ka Dhana. There the 
outlaws made a stand; but they were speedily put to flight. At this time the 
Mairs were joined by the Jodhpore Legion, and both detachments proceeded 
in pursuit of the outlaws up the faces of the hills. 

a 2 d -By 8 a. m. we were in full possession of all the places. The 

number of the enemy killed is considerable; the number of dead bodies exceeds 
one hundred, besides such of the wounded who were able to make their 
escape in the adjoining dense jungles, and amongst them, it is said, two of the 


DISPERSION OF BANDITTI BY THE MAIR CORPS. 49 

principal chiefs, Chimunjee and Ubhae Singh, have fallen. A few prisoners 
of inconsiderable note have been taken. 

u 3 d .—The loss on our side is comparatively small, considering the first 
heavy fire that was opened on us by an unseen enemy in front, and on the 
right flank on emerging from the gorge of the pass. A detail of the wounded 
and missing I have the honour to enclose. 

“ 4 th. — The enemy appeared to have expected the. attack; since, for 
three days previous to our arrival, the principal portion of their property was 
removed to Ahwa, in Marwar, the town of a neighbouring Thakoor, while 
Kot itself was nearly deserted. 

“5 th .—From the various information I have been able to glean, it 
appears that the banditti had fully made up their minds to conquer or to die; 
having, the night preceding the attack, taken the usual oaths to stand as long 
as life remained. 

“ Qth .—I have much satisfaction in reporting, for the information of the 
Right Honourable the Governor-General of India, that the detachment 
behaved with the greatest spirit and zeal during the attack. Indeed, nothing 
less than a full determination on the part of our troops to conquer, could have 
effected so complete a victory. 

“ 7 th .—It is unnecessary at this moment to advert to the many and 
permanent benefits which must ensue from the success of our arms. The 
bands of determined robbers, who, during the last fifteen years, have been the 
terror and destruction of trade, have now been nearly annihilated; for the 
dead includes the flower of their force: and such as have escaped will not 
again have heart to recruit their bands. Again, the sequestration of the 
Jageer of Kot will be a forcible proof to the Marwar nobles that the harbouring 
or countenancing of robbers will, as in the instance of Guj Singh, prove their 
own destruction. 


“ I have &c., 

(Signed) “ C. G. Dixon, Captain , 

“ Superintendant Mairwara, and commanding Detachment. 

“ Camp Kot, in Marwar, 

28th March, 1839.” 


H 


50 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


u To T. H. Maddock, Esquire, Officiating Secretary to Government of India, with 
the Governor-General. 


“ Camp. 


“ Sir, 

“ I had on the 27th of February the honour to receive your letter of the 
7 th of that month, authorising the attack on Kot by a combined operation of 
the Mairwara Battalion and the Jodhpore Legion, and, on the same day, I 
requested Captain Dixon to carry through that measure, provided he were 
satisfied that the force at his disposal was sufficient, of which I said that he 
must be the judge. I sent a copy of my letter to Captain Downing, who then 
commanded the Jodhpore Legion, that he might be prepared to co-operate; 
and placed the company of his battalion on duty at Ajmeer, and all the horse 
that could be collected at and spared from that station, at Captain Dixon’s 
disposal. 

“ 2 d. —From the period at which Captain Dixon first reported on the 
strength and position of the parties assembled at Kot, until the receipt of your 
letter, those parties were supposed to have gained greatly in number; and 
Captain Dixon instituted fresh enquiries on these points. Having satisfied 
himself that he was strong enough, he prepared for operations against them; 
the Mairwara Battalion and the Jodhpore Legion marching from their 
respective cantonments so as to unite at, and in the vicinity of Kot, on the 
morning of the 27th ultimo. 

“ 3 d .—I have the honour to submit a copy of Captain Dixon’s report of 
the 28 th ultimo, with a copy of a short letter of the previous day, from which 
the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India will perceive that the 
operation has been crowned with complete success. 

“ 4 th. — Captain Dixon has the merit of having planned this operation, of 
having combined his movements according to true military principles, both 
detachments reaching the point of attack simultaneously; the Mairwara 
Battalion from the distance of one hundred, and the Jodhpore Legion from 
the distance of fifty-five miles. I am persuaded that the Right Honourable 
the Governor-General will appreciate the intelligence and spirit with which 
the operation was planned, and the order and gallantry with which the several 
positions were carried. It will be seen that Chimunjee, the leader (an out¬ 
lawed Thakoor of Marwar, who, with one hundred men, served for some years 
in Colonel Skinner’s Horse, and who, unhappily, was discharged), with a chief 


ANALYSIS OF THE FORCE EMPLOYED. 


51 


of less note, and upwards of one hundred of his men, were killed, with the 
loss of one Jemadar, and seven Sepoys severely, and one slightly, wounded. 
I shall only further add, that it is right and fitting that an officer, who is 
already so well known as Captain Dixon, from having contributed so con¬ 
spicuously, for so long a period, at Ajmeer and in the Mairwara district, to 
promote the best interests of the people in the arts of civil life, should also, on 
this occasion, have been chosen as the avenger of the wrongs which they have 
so long sustained at the hands of this band of plunderers ; and that he should 
have met, in the British officers and in the troops, those who were so able and 
willing to second his own gallant exertions. 

“ I have &c., 

(Signed) “ J. Sutherland, 

“ Officiating Agent Governor-General. 

“ Rajpootana Agency Camp, Beesulpore, 20 miles east of Jodhpore, 

1st April, 1839.” 


The force employed in this service consisted of the following strength: — 


Detail. 

Captains. 

Lieutenants. 

Ensigns. 

| Assistant Surgeons. 1 

Sergeant-Major. 

| Quartermaster Sergt. 

Gun Corporal. 

Resaldar and Naeb 
Ressr. 

Jemadars. 

Duffedars. 

| Nishanburdars. 

Trumpeters. 

Nujarchees. 

Suwars. 

Soobedars. 

Jemadars. 

Havildars. 

Naicks. 

Drummers, Fifers, 
and Buglers. 

Sepoys. 

Jodhpore Legion - 

_ 

i 

1 

i 

1 

. 

1 

6 

. 

19 

4 

2 

1 

212 

6 

_ 

27 

21 

13 

276 

3d Regiment Irregular Cavalry 









i 

3 

- 

- 

- 

27 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Mairwara Local Battalion 

2 

- 

- 

1 

1 



- 

■ 

- 

• 

■ 


- 

6 

12 

28 

25 

14 

475 

Total strength 

2 

i 

1 

2 

2 

- 

1 

6 

i 

22 

4 

2 

1 

239 

12 

12 

55 

46 

27 

751 


After waiting a few days for the receipt of orders from the agent of the 
Governor-General, the troops returned to their respective cantonments without 
the loss of a single man. It was a duty of no ordinary satisfaction to the 
commanding officer of the detachment to have to release and send to their 
homes, at a distance of many miles, thirty-five men, women, and children of 
the Muhajun caste, who, for a considerable period, had been held in captivity, 
pending their redemption, under heavy pecuniary penalties, by their relatives. 




































52 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


The severe lesson read to Marwar, through the summary chastisement dealt 
out to the robbers, has been attended with all the beneficial consequences that 
were anticipated at that time. No marauding on a large scale has since 
occurred, with exception to the acts committed by Doongur Singh and his 
associates. But this exemption from wholesale plunder and robbery is chiefly 
attributable to the judicious arrangements made by the Governor-General's 
Agent, after the reduction of Jodhpore, when all the chiefs who were wont to 
follow in the path of Chimunjee, were reinstated in their landed rights. 

The Mairwara Battalion having done good service in the jungle fastnesses 
about Kot, its services were again put into requisition to form a portion of the 
force which moved against Jodhpore. The corps marched in August, 1839, 
and was joined by the Jodhpore Legion near Palee, at which place the de¬ 
tachment remained while other arrangements were maturing. The Shekhawatee 
Brigade, under Major Forster, C. B., moved upon Deedwana; while Brigadier 
Rich, with the troops of the Line, took up a position at Meertha. The de¬ 
tachments having assembled at Beesulpore, they moved on in a body to 
Jodhpore, to await the arrival of Major-General Hampton. Raja Maun 
Singh, who had not the remotest intention of offering any opposition to our 
advance, moved out to the camp some miles to the eastward of his capital. 
He expressed his willingness to accede to all that was desired of him. The 
possession by a British garrison of the fortress of Jodhpore was the first 
acquiescence required by the political authorities. Maun Singh agreed to give 
it up ; but his officers declined to fulfil the behests of their lord. On three 
consecutive days the force was drawn out in order of attack. On the third, 
on His Highness proceeding in person to enforce obedience of his orders, 
the gates of the citadel were thrown open to us. Had a further delay of 
half an hour ensued, the gate would have been blown open, all preparations 
for this contingency being in a state of readiness. Here the Mairs, for the 
first time since they had been raised, took up their place with the troops of the 
Line, and performed the same duties. Nor were they found wanting in their 
duty. On this subject the sentiments of a higher authority are happily 
at hand. 

All hostile operations having ceased with the surrender of the fortress, 
Colonel Sutherland requested Brigadier Rich to favour him with a report on 
the state of discipline and efficiency of the Shekhawatee Brigade, the Jodh¬ 
pore Legion, and Mair Corps. The latter had marched towards Beawr on 


REPORT ON THE STATE OF THE MAIR CORPS. 


53 


the close of active operations; but the Brigadier’s opinion is recorded in the 
following extract from a letter addressed to Colonel Sutherland, and dated 
Fortress of Jodhpore, 5th October, 1839. 

* “I have the honour to acknowledge my receipt of your letter, dated 1st 
instant, expressing a wish for a report from me on the state of discipline and 
efficiency in which I found the Mairwara Local Battalion, the Jodhpore 
Legion, and the Shekhawatee Brigade, on their joining the advance detach¬ 
ment from Nusseerabad, under my command, at Beesulpore, on the 15th 
ultimo. 

“ With respect to the Mairwara Battalion, commanded by Captain 
Dixon, I can pronounce a more decided opinion than a transient inspection 
allows me to give of the other two corps; the Brigadier commanding the 
Rajpootana Field Force having deputed me during the inspection seasons of 
1837 and the present year, to review and inspect it at Beawr, and to furnish 
the report on its discipline and efficiency, transmitted annually to the 
Commander-in-Chief. I can therefore confidently state, that the Mairwara 
Battalion is in very good order; that its parade discipline and interior 
economy are highly creditable to Captain Dixon, and to the officers under his 
command; and that, in regard to general efficiency, it is, allowing for the 
disadvantage of inferiority in number of European officers, much on a par 
with regiments of the Line; to co-operate with which in the field, having 
witnessed its conduct in the performance of those duties that fall to regular 
troops on service and in camp, I consider it to be competent.” 

In April, 1823, the cantonment of the corps was removed from Beawr to 
its present position, four miles to the southward of that town. The present 
site is well chosen, since it is traversed at a convenient distance by nuddees 
to its front and to its rear; thereby offering an unfailing supply of water for 
the use of the cantonment. The original name of Beawr was retained; a 
matter apparently possessing no positive advantage, while it is productive of 
inconvenience to strangers, who not infrequently proceed to the town of that 
name when their business leads them to the cantonment. 

The increase of one and two rupees a month to men who had respec¬ 
tively served twenty and twenty-seven years under the operation of General 
Orders, dated 22d July, 1839, was a most acceptable boon to the corps. 
That of 14th March, 1845, sanctioning half-batta to be drawn for men 
detached on escort or command duty, when fifty miles from the head- 


54 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


quarters, is not so beneficial in its effects as might have been intended by 
its projectors. The posts occupied by detachments at Ajmeer, and in the 
district, are principally within the prescribed distance. Hence, little advan¬ 
tage accrues to the Sepoys. The same inconvenience is experienced by small 
escort details. Since the constitution of the corps in 1822, district command 
and escort parties have always been allowed to use a portion of the public 
carriage for the conveyance of their baggage. The indulgence was a matter 
of great convenience, without causing detriment in any shape, or impairing 
the facility for moving detachments of the corps on service. This indulgence, 
it is much to be regretted, was withdrawn by the commissariat last year; 
and the men have to provide carriage for their necessaries at their own cost, 
out of their pay, amounting to five rupees per mensem; for, though the sum 
of five rupees eight annas is drawn for each man, the eight annas are 
deducted for washermen, barbers, and other regimental servants. To render 
these General Orders beneficial to local corps, it is respectfully submitted that 
the restriction of fifty miles as to distance be withdrawn; and that on all 
occasions of detachments moving on duty from head-quarters, extra half-batta 
be passed to the men. The simplest mode of effecting this favour, would be 
to rescind General Orders of the 14th March, 1845, maintaining those of the 
15th November, 1844, in force. This concession would prove a real boon to 
the men, whose pay is so small; and while it would tend to their efficiency, 
the extra expense attendant on this liberal consideration must, at the outside, 
amount to a trifling sum. 

As indicative of the strong military spirit inherent in the Mair popu¬ 
lation, it may be interesting, before taking leave of the corps, to notice at 
some length an affair which took place in 1836, between them and a large 
body of robbers returning to Marwar, after the pillage of the town of 
Gungapore, in Meywar. The particulars of the case, which are embodied 
in the report of the Superintendent of Mairwara, dated 31st May, 1836, to 
the address of the Governor-General’s Agent, are given entire, since they 
present a good idea of the manner and extreme facility with which large 
bodies of robbers are collected, and show the mode in which their deeds of 
plunder are carried out. 

“ My letters of the 20th, 21st, and 23d instant would have apprized you 
of the main particulars in reference to the capture of a large portion of the 
robbers concerned in the plunder of the town of Gungapore, on the 15th 


SACK OF DANGURMOW BY BANDITTI. 


55 


instant. Having taken the depositions of the captives, I am now enabled to 
give a more detailed account of this Dacoitee, as far as particulars have 
transpired. 

“ 2d .— Ujub Singh, the leader of the band, being one of the thirty-two 
Oomraos of Meywar, possessed Dangurmow in Jageer. He is said to have 
plundered property from Jawud to the extent of fourteen or fifteen thousand 
rupees, about eighteen months since, and to have killed a Parukh. The 
Gwalior authorities, incensed at this act, contemplated retaliation on Dangur¬ 
mow, or other towns in Meywar. After various representations, the Maha 
Rana was induced to declare Dangurmow “ Khalsa.” Ujub Singh, being thus 
divested of his paternal lands, sought refuge in Dealpoorah, Putha Mertha, 
Marwar. He is represented to have three Thookranees, three female favorites, 
besides numerous slaves; having married into the families of the Raja of 
Pesangun, the Thakoor of Diggee, Dhoondhar, and some noble of Marwar, 
name unknown. Shelter was given him, his family and followers, by Sadool 
Singh, the Thakoor of Dealpoorah. Influenced by motives of revenge against 
the Mahrattas, to whom he attributed his downfall, Ujub Singh designed the 
sacking of Gungapore, a Jageer in Meywar, appertaining to the relations of 
Sindhea. It is not directly stated on evidence, but it may be fairly inferred, 
that Sheo Lai Kamdar, Oodey Nath Jogee, and Bukhtawur Singh of Diggee, 
arranged to collect the band. Oodey Nath Jogee, a resident of village 
Ujmeree, Putha Jeela Pa tun, had been frequently into Marwar, and it seems 
pretty clear that he, at the requisition of Ujub Singh, engaged to bring twenty 
Suwars from Shekhawatee, suited for the contemplated work. The Jogee 
reached Dealpoorah about the 5th of May, and the twenty Rajpoots were duly 
introduced to the Thakoor. They received two rupees each, with a promise 
of a permanent service on his gaining his Jageer; and a seer of Ata was daily 
served out to each of the band by Kamdar Sheo Lai. The nucleus of the 
party having been formed, intimation was sent, as it is usual when a Dacoitee 
is designed, to villages around. In the course of the following day the band 
was increased by Thorees from Pesangun, by Goojurs from Sewureah and 
Khareah, and Rajpoots from Dealpoorah. The force now amounted to about 
forty foot and twenty horse, and the Thakoor marched on the 7th of May to 
Chundawul. On the 9th he reached Doorgah ka Goodha, when a halt was 
made to augment the band. Two Suwars and twelve foot were added at this 
place. On the 11th instant the party reached the deserted village of Sheonu- 


56 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


gree, in Putha Kot. Here two halts were made, and the force augmented by 
thirty foot and ten horse. This place is in the midst of the Mairwara range 
of hills, separating Mar war from Meywar, and is within the jurisdiction of 
Kot, Marwar. The Thakoor is celebrated for giving an asylum to all the 
Baroutheas from Marwar and Meywar, as well as for sheltering Meenahs, 
Thorees, and other professional thieves and robbers who prowl about and infest 
the plains on either side of the hills, but more particularly in Marwar. The 
price of protection is a chouth (fourth) of the proceeds of plunder. Having, on 
various occasions, had the honour to address you on the subject of the Thakoor 
of Kot and his doings, it is unnecessary, at this juncture, to say more on this 
point. Whilst the banditti halted in that Putha, there was constant inter¬ 
course with Kot. Various articles of dress necessary in conducting the 
exploit were purchased at this place. Ujub Singh continued his march on 
the 14th instant, and on the following evening, about sunset, reached Gunga- 
pore. The party had been instructed to reply, as a general answer to the 
enquiring public, that this was a marriage procession proceeding to Malwa. 
Having arrived near the scene of action, Bhoomjee Kajpoot, one of the chiefs 
household, assumed the marriage garb purchased at Kot; one of the Thakoor’s 
Chakurs acting the part of Dholee, preceded the party, as is usual, singing. 
The Peadahs (footmen) being left to defend the gate of the town, the horsemen 
prosecuted their march within. Having reached the main bazaar, the work of 
plunder commenced. The depositions of the Gungapore merchants state fifty- 
five Dookans (shops) were plundered, and three Buneahs killed. Little or no 
resistance appears to have been offered on the part of the Hakim and his people. 
The sack continued during about an hour and a half. The various bundles of 
merchandise, as taken from the shops, were delivered to the Peadahs guarding 
the gate of the town. These were laden on four camels and various tattoos 
(poneys); the balance, some sixty bundles, being carried on the heads of the foot¬ 
men. Having gutted the place of property to the extent of some 14,000 or 
15,000 rupees in value, according to the statements of the Gungapore mer¬ 
chants, Ujub Singh got his party under weigh, and proceeded en route to Mugree 
Modareah, a hill surrounded by jungle, fifteen kos distant. There they rested 
during the heat of the day (the 16th of May). Towards the evening they 
prosecuted their way, purposing to regain Marwar vict the Umurwas Pass, 
Putha Ameth, Meywar, the route they had pursued in moving into Meywar. 
The fates so decided that they lost their road, and, by moving too much to the 


CAPTURE OF THE ROBBERS. 


57 


northward, got entangled in the Mairwara villages under our management. I 
have already had the honour to state that our zumeendars were smarting 
under the loss of life and property inflicted on them by the Marwar Baroutheas. 
The whole of the villages, and our own officers and establishment, had pre¬ 
viously been cautioned to be on the watch for, and to seize these outlaws, 
whenever they should pass through our territory. The Mairs, a race originally 
of exclusively predatory habits, and acknowledging no superior authority or 
control till subdued by a British force, required no stimulus to exertion. 
The chief portion of the band reached Teekurwas, one of our own villages, 
early on the morning of the 17th instant, and enquired for a guide to show 
them the Peeplee Ghata, one of the passes leading into Marwar. The villagers 
being suspicious this was not a marriage procession, as represented, stopped 
the party. Blows soon succeeded words, and Sheo Lai Kamdar, Oodey Nath 
Jogee, and various others, were slain in attempting to make their escape. 
Ujub Singh, finding matters had taken an unfavourable turn, galloped off with 
his brother, Pirbhoo Dan, Goolaub Singh, and two other Bajpoots, and made 
good their way to Sarun, immediately at the foot of the hills in Marwar. 
Various of the outlaws were in like manner apprehended and killed at the 
Ghatas of Kachublee, Bursawara, and Kot-Kurana; and although the distance 
of these passes from one end to the other was upwards of twenty-five miles, 
and no previous intimation of the dharah at Gungapore had reached the 
villagers, yet all were on the alert, and nearly the whole party, save Ujub 
Singh and his four companions, were either seized or killed. That portion of 
the band that had been engaged at Kot, from being more familiar with the 
roads, effected their retreat by the Umurwas Pass. Ten of the outlaws were 
slain, two wounded, since dead, and twenty-nine made prisoners. The latter 
are now in the Beawr gaol: twenty-four tulwars, nine matchlocks, one spear, 
four daggers, five shields, nine horses large and small, and one camel, with 
about 750 pieces of cloth of various natures and sizes, and nineteen brass plates 
and pans, the property of the Gungapoorees, were recovered from the Barou¬ 
theas. Some fourteen bundles of property are said to have been seized by the 
villagers of Rasmee, Myala, and Sangawas, in Putha Deogurh, besides three 
prisoners, one horse, and one camel, while our zumeendars of Teekurwas were 
apprehending the bandits. I have addressed the Rawutjee of Deogurh to 
forward the whole of the property, in order that it may, with the items of 
merchandise now here, be returned to the Gungapore merchants. 

i 


58 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


“ The following is a detail of the killed, as far as we have been able to 
ascertain: — 

Sheo Lai, Kamdar of Thakoor Ujub Singh. 

Oudey Nath Jogee, village Ajmeree Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

Motee Singh, Rajpoot of Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

Umur Singh, Beas Huree Das of Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

Gunga Ram, Beas Dhokunee Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

Sheo Singh, Beas Sampur Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

Gopal Singh, Beas Danta Duwaleah, Meywar. 

Kishna, Charun Dealpoorah, Marwar. 

Birdhjee, Rajpoot of Ujub Singh’s household. 

Meghjee, Rajpoot of Jeela Patun, Shekhawatee. 

“ 3d. — Thus, by the fortuitous circumstance of the party losing the 
road, has a large portion of one of the Marwar predatory bands been cut up 
or made prisoners. Had matters proceeded as previously arranged, and 
had Ujub Sing returned, as intended, by the Umurwas Pass, not a man 
would have been apprehended. The signal defeat Ujub Singh has sustained 
Avill, it is hoped, have a salutary effect; but exemption from wholesale 
robbery on the part of the Marwarees is a vain expectation, so long as the 
Thakoors of Kot, Roopnugur, and Ameth, are permitted, with perfect 
impunity, to shelter lawless outcasts, and share the profit of plunder 
arrested by them from honest wayfarers and merchants. The plan respect¬ 
fully submitted in my letter of the 20th instant, of declaring these putahs 
Khalsa, would be cheap, certain, and efficacious; and to prevent the Thakoors 
from becoming chiefs of migratory bands of outlaws, it would seem essentially 
requisite to assign them a portion of the revenue derived from their putahs, 
the balance, after paying contingent expenses, going to the credit of their 
respective durbars. 

“ 4 th. — The whole of the prisoners declare the present is the only 
occasion on which they have been engaged on the work of plunder ; and that 
none of them were aware Ujub Singh contemplated the pillage of Gungapore. 
The party was informed the Thakoor purposed possessing himself of his own 
jageer, Dungurmow, and the whole were to receive permanent service, on this 
object being effected. The Thakoor appears to have made a good selection, 
since the prisoners are young, robust men, all above five feet ten inches in 
height. 

“5 th .—I do myself the honour to annex an abstract of the depositions 
for your information.” 


EULOGIUMS ON THE MAIR CORPS. 


59 


Seven more prisoners were apprehended after the despatch of the above 
letter, swelling the total of killed and prisoners to fifty-one. This successful 
affair was noticed in Mr. Secretary Bushby’s letter, of the 9th June, 1836, in 
the following terms. “ I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter, dated 27th ultimo, with its enclosures, relative to the successful attack 
upon a party of Marwar plunderers returning from the Meywar town of 
Gungapore, and the capture of many of them by the villagers of the Mairwara 
Hills. 

“ 2 d .—The Honourable the Lieutenant Governor desires me to express 
his gratification at this intelligence. The good management of Captain Dixon, 
the Superintendant of Mairwara, and the vigilance and brave conduct of the 
Mairs in intercepting the retreat of the robbers, and making so large a 
number of prisoners, have been highly conspicuous on this occasion. 

“ 3 d. — The Lieutenant Governor desires that if there be no doubt that 
the prisoners were engaged in a plundering expedition, they may be brought 
to trial and punished as public robbers. 

“ A:th .—His Honour is not aware that there would be much objection to 
Captain Dixon having the superintendence of the places mentioned as the 
present haunts of plunderers, provided that it were with the consent of the 
rulers of Oudeypore and Jodhpore; but it is not likely these princes would 
cheerfully assent to such an arrangement. They must therefore be held 
responsible for the good order of the places in question, and urged to perform 
their duty in preventing their being made dens of robbers. 

“ 5th .— The Raja of Jodhpore is to be called on to deliver up or punish, 
so as they may not disturb the public peace, Ujub Singh, the leader of the 
late expedition, and the other notorious leaders of robbers, known to be in his 
country, and to infest other countries. What happens in his own country, it 
is for him to redress; we are not at liberty to interfere further than by good 
advice, recommending better government. But with respect to all who are 
known to find refuge in his country and plunder in others, they are criminals, 
subject to our jurisdiction, we being conservators of general peace and order ; 
and we have a right to hold him responsible for their surrender, or, on proof 
of guilt, of condign punishment.” 

The particulars of this successful affair having been brought to the 
notice of the Governor-General in council, the subject received the appro¬ 
bation of the Supreme Government, as conveyed in Mr. Secretary Bushby’s 

i 2 


60 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


letter of the 3d August, 1836, addressed to the Agent Governor-General of 
Rajpootana. “Your reports of the 27th of May, 6th and 14th of June last, 
respecting the defeat by the villagers of the Mairwara Hills, of the plundering 
party returning into Marwar from pillaging the town of Gungapore in 
Meywar, having been submitted to the Supreme Government, the Right 
Honourable the Governor-General in council is of opinion that the present 
would be a fit occasion for rewarding some of the individuals who were most 
conspicuous for their gallantry in the above affair, by presenting each of them 
with a sword, or some similar token of the approbation of government. You 
are accordingly requested to report on the proposed rewards to those who 
distinguished themselves. 

“2 d .—The Governor-General in council notices with approbation the 
excellent arrangements of Captain Dixon, as fully satisfying the confidence 
reposed in that officer’s judgment and zeal by his Lordship in Council, and 
remarks that a very few examples of spirit such as that reported, would do 
much to suppress the habit of depredation and plundering which has un¬ 
happily so long prevailed in Central India.” 

In accordance with the views above expressed, the Tuhseeldar of Tod- 
gurh received a handsome sword with silver-gilt mountings, as a reward for 
his good services, the scabbard bearing an inscription, in the Persian character, 
indicative of the purport of the gift. Twelve Puteils, or heads of villages, 
received honorary swords, similar in pattern but less in value to that given to 
the Tuhseeldar. Three Chuprassees received pecuniary rewards; and as it 
would have been difficult as well as expensive to present each man who aided 
in this affair with a token of approbation from the ruling authorities, it 
was determined that the four villages concerned should have a public 
feast to commemorate the event. Thus, by these judicious marks of the 
approbation of the government, costing only 680 rupees, were the good deeds 
of the Mairs blazoned through the country, holding out an inducement to 
others to do the like under similar circumstances, and warning the pro¬ 
fessional plunderer to steer clear of the Mairs on future predatory expeditions. 
The swords presented to the Puteils are held in great estimation, they being 
worn by them on all occasions of festivity at home or abroad. The silver 
mountings and Persian inscription attract the attention of the visitors, and 
thus the tale of the defeat of Ujub Singh’s party, being related from time to 
time, will be handed down to posterity. 


ROBBERS CONVERTED TO HONESTY AND INDUSTRY. 


61 


The prisoners were sentenced to four years’ imprisonment, with labour, 
in the Mairwara gaol; but before that period had expired, a plan offered itself 
for turning their services to useful account. Poverty and ignorance had 
actuated them to enrol themselves under the banner of Ujub Singh. It was 
manifest, were they induced into habits of thrift, they might become useful 
subjects. The plan in contemplation possessed novelty, it is true; but it 
merited a trial; for should it prove successful, we might adopt it as a guide 
for future observance. After due consideration, it was arranged to form the 
robbers into a village community, to be located on an uncultivated spot 
within three miles of Nya JSTuggur. The parties concerned acquiescing in 
the proposition, several hundred beegahs of land were apportioned off for 
their use. Good security having been obtained, the prisoners were permitted 
to quit the gaol every morning, one of the leg chains being fixed and the 
other held in hand, for the purpose of digging wells at their new village; 
they returned unattended every evening to sleep in the gaol. On the ex¬ 
piration of their imprisonment, they were joined by their families and 
relations, and commenced in earnest on the cultivation of the soil. In the 
course of a year after their release, the new village exhibited signs of 
prosperity. It now contains twenty-seven families, and pays us a yearly 
revenue of 770 rupees. From the day of their location up to the present 
time, no case of misconduct has been brought against them. The character 
of the people has been marked by order, propriety, and untiring diligence in 
their rural pursuits. The great facility with which a band of robbers be¬ 
longing to a foreign state has been converted into a rural, revenue-paying 
peasantry, as exemplified in the pillagers of Gungapore, may not prove 
uninstructive or undeserving of notice and observance by public authorities, 
who may possess the ability to repeat what has been so successfully carried 
out at the village of Sheonathpoora. 


62 


CHAPTEE VIII. 

THE FINAL ADJUSTMENT OF THE CLAIMS OF MEYWAR, MAEWAE, AND AJMEER TO 
DISPUTED VILLAGES.— FEELINGS OF THE PEOPLE AT THE THREATENED ABO¬ 
LITION OF THE MAIRWARA ARRANGEMENTS.—ADMINISTRATION OF CIVIL AND 
CRIMINAL JUSTICE. 

It now becomes necessary to record the circumstances relating to the 
appropriation of certain portions of the tract which were disputed by the 
three powers, Meywar, Marwar, and Ajmeer. On the reduction of the 
country, the Oudeypore and Jodhpore durbars, finding all their claims so 
promptly attended to, and each knowing the total defect of right on all sides, 
severally urged pretensions to villages previously made over to, and since 
possessed by, the other. An earnest correspondence ensued between the 
political functionaries, and various attempts to adjust matters proving inef¬ 
fectual, a full enquiry into the whole of the disputed claims was instituted 
under the orders of Government. The court for the investigation of these 
important matters was composed of Jodha Earn, governor of the Meywar 
Mair villages, and Moonshees Kurum Eehman and Bindrabun on the part of 
Oudeypore; of Dheeruj Mul, Thakoor of Jetharun, Indur Singh, Thakoor of 
Sojut, and Moonshee Anundee Das on that of Jodhpore; while the interests 
of Ajmeer were represented by Moulvee Ubdool Kadir; Captain Hall taking 
the chair as president. The enquiry occupied several months. Each state 
advanced its claims, and produced its documentary and oral evidence. The 
voluminous proceedings were submitted to Government in 1822, and in 
1823 final orders were received, conferring Bursawara, Dudalea, Myrean, 
Bhylean, and Purgunah Beawr on Ajmeer; Kot-Kurana, Bugree, Beilphuna, 
and Seerma on Marwar; and Bullee, Kookra, and Saroth on Meywar; at the 
same time reserving in trust by the British government, Behar, Anakur, 
Burkochra, Eoodhana, Soneana, Naee Bura, and Naee Chota, for future 
deliberation, eventually to be given to Meywar or Marwar, in proportion to 
the readiness with which they should enter into our views; and further to 


ADJUSTMENT OF CLAIMS OF MEYWAR, MARWAR, AND AJMEER. 63 

serve as compensation for any partial claims that might be urged upon lands 
in the purgunah of Beawr. Thus terminated an angry, long-continued, 
unproductive discussion, that had caused much bad feeling. 

In 1837* the Government was further pleased to confer half the net rents 
of the seven trust villages upon the Rana of Oudeypore. 

In reference to what took place on the Governor General’s visit to Ajmeer 
in 1832, it is proper that Colonel Hall’s recorded sentiments should be quoted. 
11 It was at the time supposed, that on the Governor General visiting Ajmeer 
in 1832, great dissatisfaction was expressed by the Rana of Oudeypore and 
the Ajmeer Thakoors with the Mairwara arrangement; and a document was 
prepared, exhibiting all that could be urged of an unfavourable nature. 
Intended abolition was the consequence; but examination appears to have 
given so different a view of the question, that instructions were shortly after 
conveyed by His Lordship for a renewal of the treaty with the states of 
Meywar and Marwar; the time fixed by former agreements having been about 
to expire. 

“ Colonel Lockett, agent to the Governor General, experienced no 
difficulty in effecting the renewal of the treaty with the Oudeypore govern¬ 
ment in March, 1833, when the period was extended for eight years from the 
31st of May following, and the annual sum payable to our government was 
augmented from 15,000 to 20,000 Chittoree rupees, to meet all expenses. 

“ There was no backwardness whatever on the part of Meywar on this 
occasion. Indeed, so far from having presented any complaint to the Governor 
General at Ajmeer, it had merely included, in a paper of various requests 
submitted to His Lordship, that, as the time of agreement was about to expire, 
it should either be renewed, or the Rana’s portion of Mairwara restored. He 
had asked also for Beawr; and as this name, from being that of head¬ 
quarters, is often extended to the whole tract by those uninformed of local 
particulars, it was not an unnatural error to suppose he meant Mairwara; 
whereas Beawr is only a purgunah forming a component part of the tract, 
and was formerly claimed by Meywar, Marwar, and Ajmeer, and, after full 
enquiry in 1823, finally decided by government to belong to Ajmeer. 

“ As to the supposed complaints of the Ajmeer Thakoors, they had similar 

* In 1825, the Governor-General was pleased to sanction the payment of half the net rents 
of the Ajmeer villages of Jak, Loolooa, and Shamgurh to the Thakoor of Mussooda, and half of 
those of Kana Kehra and Kheta Kehra to the Chief of Khurwa. 


64 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


error for their origin. Thakoor Bhopal Singh claimed the revenue of the 
village of Beawr*, and Thakoor Devee Singh, of Mussoodah, requested that 
the rents of several newly inhabited kehrahs or hamlets, belonging, as he 
stated, to Jak, Shamgurh, and Loolooa, should be made over to him. 

“ These were the only interests that touched upon the subject at Ajmeer, 
and, though the claims may have been lit subjects for the consideration of 
Government in due course, they had no more to do with the general arrange¬ 
ment of Mairwara than if they consisted of the rents of the city of Ajmeer. 

“From the avidity with which lands are seized upon, without much 
reference to circumstances, and however prejudicial to the people, the country 
at large, or even, in many respects, to the individual interests of the claimants, 
it was to have been expected that some attempts would be made to effect 
an abolition of the arrangement when so favourable an opportunity offered 
as His Lordship’s presence f; and a severer test could scarcely have been 
applied in proof of the great advantages following, as well to those immediately 
concerned, as to the extensive countries formerly the scenes of the incessant 
depredations of the Mairs. 

“ That not a single petition should have been presented to that effect, or 
against a course of management then existing for so many years, over such a 
people, and connected with so many chiefs of foreign states with conflicting 
views and interests, may be justly admitted as a source of some satisfaction.” 

In respect to the feelings of the Mairs on the reported abolition of our 
management, the Colonel makes the following apposite observations: — “At 
the time alluded to, reports of abolition got into circulation, and were generally 
credited. The Mairs were affected variously. The well-disposed felt deeply 
the prospect of change. All were indignant at the possibility of being made 
over to Thakoors, whom they contemned and never acknowledged; whilst 
the enterprising saw some compensation in the wide field opening to them 
for renewal of their devastations and unbounded personal freedom. 

“ Some strong remonstrances were made, claiming our protection as their 
first and only conquerors, as the only power that could have subjugated them, 
as being solely our subjects, and spurning the idea of native control with the 
greatest indignation.” 

* i. e. Beawr Proper, or the principal town of the purgunah. 

t On His Lordship’s intended visit to Rajpootana becoming known, every chief was occu¬ 
pied in considering what claims or favours he could urge: all appeared to think the opportunity 
to be too favourable to be allowed to escape. 


PETITION FROM MAIR ZUMEENDARS. 


65 


The following is a specimen of the substance of a petition from the Mair 
zumeendars of Shamgurh, dated 12th June, 1832: — 

“ The government of the English extends to thousands of kos, and they 
are kings of the earth. We never yielded to any Raja or Bhoomeah ( Thakoor) ; 
whenever any such came with troops to attack us, we never submitted, but 
beat them back with our own power. What have the Bhoomeahs to do with 
us, that we should pay them revenue ? On the contrary, they (such as the 
Thakoors of Mussooda and Khurwa) paid us revenue that we should abstain 
from plundering them. When you came to reduce our Hills, we recognised 
you as our king, and made no resistance, but, as the subjects of kings, 
consented to pay revenue. Our lands were given to us by no one. At one 
time the King Ukbur took our ancestors to Dehlee, circumcised them, 
rendered us his subjects, and gave us those towns. From those days to this 
no government has been established in Mairwara. Considering you our 
original kings, we pay you revenue. We have derived our injuries from you; 
but such benefits have followed, that no one is in want of food or raiment, 
and we are as happy, if not more so, than in former times. But now that the 
Thakoors of Mussooda and Khurwa have told us that they will take revenue 
from us, desire us to cultivate well and point out our boundaries; we represent 
to you that these lands do not belong to Thakoors or Bhoomeahs. Boundaries 
have never been fixed; and it cannot be that the Thakoors of Khurwa or 
Mussooda shall take revenue from us. If only one of your Chuprassees come, 
all the inhabitants of the district are obedient, with supplicating hands; but we 
never will submit to any other masters except you. 

“ The villages of Soorujpoora, Sarnea, Rajpoora, Choudsea, Khempoora, 
Busee, Dhola-Danta, &c., which are under your police management, used to 
pay revenue to us; but you subdued the Hills, and made them over to the 
Thakoor of Mussooda, and we, in submission, did nothing. 

“Now these Thakoors, notwithstanding such favour, are inconsiderate 
enough to seek for more villages. We have represented the true state of 
the case.” 

The same authority observes: — “ Regarding the conduct of the two 
governments principally concerned, it may not be superfluous to mention, 
that, though Oudeypore was at first averse to the arrangement, it has behaved 
quite unexceptionably since its adoption; yielding a willing attention and 
assistance on every occasion, apparently quite free from dissatisfied feeling. 

K 


66 


SKETCH OE M AIR W AH A. 


Indeed, its pecuniary advantages are so great, that, even were its general 
disposition less conciliatory than it is, the sacrifice* would be too great to be 
risked by adverse behaviour. 

“ Jodhpore, on the contrary, was in the first instance more favourably 
disposed; but its conduct for the last five or six years has partaken a good 
deal of that indifference which characterises its general proceedings. Kindly 
feeling has not ceased to be professed, and a Yukeel has been attached; but 
there is the utmost difficulty in getting anything effected satisfactorily: non¬ 
interference appears to be understood in a most unlimited sense, as authorising 
both prince and chiefs * to act according to their impulse. Some allowances 
may, however, be made for the Raja, in consequence of his not having had any 
direct intercourse with our political authorities since March, 1834; and none 
having even been attached to his court, his opportunities of becoming ac¬ 
quainted with our views have been very limited. His Yukeels, too, are more 
than usually corrupt, and may mislead him to serve their own ends; looking 
upon their situations as sources of profit, their personal advantage, in every 
measure, is a pecuniary object.” 

In 1835, an arrangement was entered into with Raja Maun Singh for 
continuing the twenty-one Marwar Mair villages under British management 
during a further period of five years. At the same time, seven other Mair 
villages belonging to Marwar, and bordering on us, were made over to our 
superintendence. Colonel Hall had on various occasions brought to the 
notice of superior authority the predatory character of these and other 
villages which for many years had afforded an asylum to offenders against 
the law, both belonging to Mairwara and to Meywar. At the time these 
villages were made over to our management, there were 159 cases of com¬ 
plaint of plunder and robbery standing against them. These villages were 
transferred to us for a like period of five years. Their inhabitants had 
neglected their legitimate calling as agriculturists for the less toilsome occu¬ 
pation of plunderers. Past offences were pardoned, and the attention of the 
people was directed to the cultivation of their lands. All the advantages 
contemplated by their transfer to us were fully realised. Plunder and 
predatory pursuits yielded to rural habits of thrift. Nor was this the sole 

* Meywar had cleared about five lakhs of rupees by the arrangement, up to 1834. 

f The chiefs of the country are well disposed when left to themselves ; but they are often 
misled by Yukeels. 


REFORM OF VILLAGES. —INCREASE OF REVENUE. 


67 


benefit. The example of industry shown by these villages was followed by 
their neighbours, though in a lesser degree than had marked our proceedings 
in Mairwara. The satisfactory issue of our labours in reforming these 
villages may be acknowledged in the improvement which had been wrought, 
in a fiscal view, during the short term they were attached to the district 
The following table shows the increase of revenue from 1835-6 to 1842-3: — 


Description. 

When received 
in 1243 Fuslee, 
or 1835-36. 

When delivered 
back in 1250 
Fuslee, or 
1842-43. 

Remarks. 

Total revenue of seven villages - 

£ s. d. 

1298 10 in 

£ s. d. 

3325 1 21 



The pecuniary increase will be more apparent when it is borne in mind 
that extensive remissions in rent had been made on account of new wells, and 
for waste land brought into cultivation. Had they continued to form a 
component portion of the district, it is not too much to say the revenue 
would by this time have been quadrupled in amount; for the people had 
become extremely sedulous, and were beginning to reap large profits from 
their labours. 

On Colonel Sutherland attending on the Governor-General at Dehlee, in 
1843, it was determined to restore these villages to Marwar. They were 
accordingly returned to the durbar. Two of them were given back to the 
chiefs who formerly possessed them, while the remaining five became Khalsa. 
The character of all have undergone considerable deterioration since their 
transfer to Marwar. Some of the villagers have taken up their residence 
within our jurisdiction, and a large portion of the land which was then 
covered with luxuriant cultivation has lapsed into waste. This observation 
is not thrown out on vague information. It is in part grounded on personal 
inspection, coupled with the oral statements of the villagers themselves. 
Although this measure has proved injurious to the welfare and prosperity of 
the people who had been taught to appreciate the sweets of a life of industry, 
in other respects no disadvantages have ensued. The system of a predatory 
life had been completely broken; many of the people had returned to the 
villages from which they came to live under our government, or had come 
over to us; and only one place, Dhal, suffers under the imputation of 
sheltering criminals from other territories. 

K 2 







68 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


At the time it was determined to restore the seven villages, it was 
decided that the twenty-one Marwar Mair villages which had been placed 
under our management since 1823 should also be given up to that state. 
Some further alterations might have been entertained at the same time, in 
handing over the towns of Jak, Loolooa, Shamgurh, &c., to the Ajmeer 
chiefs of Mussooda and Khurwa. These Thakoors had again put forth 
pretensions to some villages forming a part of Purgunah Beawr, the limits of 
which, after a full and dispassionate investigation, had been defined and 
confirmed by the Governor-General in council, in 1823. The state of the 
feelings of the people at the rumoured abrogation of the Mairwara arrange¬ 
ments, in 1832, has been forcibly noticed by Colonel Hall. At that time 
agricultural improvement had made comparatively slow progress, and the 
ties to the country were the less binding. During the eleven years following 
on 1832, the agricultural means of the district had undergone rapid and 
general amelioration. Through the agency of works of irrigation, the country 
had been made extremely productive, rural labour had become acceptable 
and remunerative, and land had greatly increased in value. It was under 
these considerations that the feelings of dismay of the people on hearing they 
were to be made over to the Rajpoots, were so deep and universal. The 
subject is noticed at length in the letter of the Superintendent to the address 
of the Political Agent, Jodhpore, dated 12th April, 1843; and though this 
communication is long, the cause it advocated, as affecting the social welfare 
and condition of so large a section of society, holding a novel position in 
India, is of such serious importance, as to justify its transfer to these pages; 
since the detail of circumstances therein set forth may, on future occasions, 
be useful to the ruling authorities, should any organic change in the present 
arrangements form the subject of consideration. 

“ I have the honour to forward a copy of a letter from the Assistant 
Agent Governor-General, Rajpootana, no. 381, under date the 31st ultimo, 
desiring me, under orders from Colonel Sutherland, to place myself in 
communication with you, in view to the transfer of the Marwar Mair villages 
to the officers of the Maha Rajah. This letter refers to a previous corre¬ 
spondence; but Captain French’s letter, of the 31st ultimo, conveys to me the 
first official intelligence that the measure was even in contemplation. Had 
the correspondence referred to reached me, I should then, as I do now, have 
begged permission respectfully to have submitted my sentiments on the 


PREFERENCE OF THE TRIBES FOR BRITISH RULE. 


69 


subject in question. In its absence, I must necessarily confine myself to 
observations relative to the present state of Mairwara, and to the position it 
is likely to occupy on the severance of the Marwar villages from the 
Mairwara district. In placing this subject in a conspicuous light, I cannot 
do better than subjoin the concluding paragraph of my annual report on 
Mairwara, to the address of the Agent Governor-General, and dated the 1st 
October, 1840. 

“ ‘ 5 th .—In conclusion, I may observe that the only thing necessary to 
the development of the resources of the district, or to requite the people for 
their unabated industry, and to insure them in the same praiseworthy path, 
is two or three favourable rainy seasons. The portion of the population born 
under our rule has imbibed peaceful and industrious habits, which will be 
imparted to their posterity; and so long as the district continues entire 
under British superintendence, and the people receive a constant and ready 
hearing,—the assessments are moderate and equitable, and justice is accorded 
to all with an even hand,— Mairwara must prosper, and serve as a pattern of 
subordination and good rule to adjacent states. To sever those portions 
which nominally paid allegiance to Meywar or Marwar, by presenting a hare 
and a cocoanut, or similar nominal nuzzurs, on the festivals of the Dewalee 
and Holee, to the authorities of those states, would be to break the spell 
which binds the inhabitants in peaceful industry to their native hills, and 
preserves to the people of Marwar and Meywar security for life and property. 
Mairwara was independent until subdued by a British force, and to British 
rule alone will the people acknowledge submission. The experiment has 
already been tried. Such villages, on the country being subdued, which, 
after due investigation, were declared to have paid allegiance to Meywar or 
Marwar, were delivered over to those states. But the transfer had but a 
short duration. The spirit, independence, and indomitable disposition of the 
wild tribes could not be restrained by the authorities of those states, and the 
Mair villages which had been conquered were amalgamated into one district. 
Until the elders among the people have been gathered to their fathers, and 
the rising population has been permanently confirmed in the habits of a 
peaceful and industrious peasantry, a due regard to the preservation of life 
and property in the adjacent states would urge that the present arrangements 
in Mairwara remain undisturbed. I am not aware that either Meywar or 
Marwar desire possession of the villages that bear their name. I apprehend 


70 


SKETCH OF MAIKWAKA. 


that each durbar would prefer paying, as at present, a small premium, 
through the rents of those villages, for the expenses of Mairwara, to secure 
the present immunity from plunder by the Mairs which they now enjoy. 
My opinion on this subject, which is most respectfully submitted, has been 
formed after long and mature deliberation, and after an acquaintance with the 
people from the time they were conquered in the years 1819 and 1820/ 

“ 2 d _This paragraph expresses the sentiments I entertained in October, 

1840. Nor have I, after a lapse of two years and a half, any cause for 
changing those opinions. On the contrary, further experience has satisfied 
me of the correctness of the views I then formed. By way of illustration, it 
may be remarked, that, during the last month, reports have been rife that our 
arrangements in Mairwara were to be broken up, and the villagers given over 
to the states bearing their names. Numerous petitions have been received, 
and all breathing the same painful and heart-breaking sentiments; extreme 
despondence that they should be transferred to states to which they formerly 
paid only a nominal allegiance; that the British government, through extreme 
kindness, conciliation, and liberality, had weaned them from their former 
predatory habits, and had taught them the arts of peaceful industry; that, 
under the favour and solicitude of that paternal government, their children 
were becoming an industrious peasantry, looking alone to the produce of their 
lands as the means of their livelihood; that at present they were eating the 
bread of industry, in full security that what they earned was their own, and 
in full confidence that they and their posterity would live in peace and 
happiness under the shade of the English government; that they had sunk 
all their savings and profits on the improvement of their paternal lands; that 
their separation from the British rule would dissipate and utterly destroy all 
the visions of happiness they had so fondly hoped would be permanent, and 
descend from father to son in perpetuity; that now each man received a patient 
and willing hearing from the Superintendant. The Kamdars would treat them 
with haughtiness and tyranny; fleece them of all their hard earnings, and 
ultimately drive them to desperation: forcing them either to quit their native 
soil, or to have recourse to the paths of their forefathers in resuming a 
predatory life. These are a few of the melancholy anticipations which rumour 
alone has created in the breasts of the denizens of Mairwara. To all these 
sad forebodings I had only one reply: to the effect, that I was in total official 
ignorance of any intention on the part of the British government to break up 


FEELINGS OF THE PEOPLE AT THREATENED ABOLITION. 


71 


the arrangements, which had given such marked approbation throughout 
Rajwara and to our government, and that I should have their case duly 
brought to notice, should such intentions enter the views of superior 
authority. 

“3 d. — I beg to be permitted to make another short observation 
illustrative of the feelings of this wild people. The Mairwara Battalion 
under my command had been employed in the military operations at Jodhpore 
in 1839, and the Mairwara tract had been nearly denuded of the usual 
detachments. A rumour reached the southern portion of the district that the 
regiment was not to return to Beawr. This report had the immediate effect 
of inducing various villages to resort to plunder. This intelligence urged me 
to seek Colonel Sutherland’s permission to return with the corps to Mairwara, 
the moment the fortress of Jodhpore came into our hands. A detachment 
from the cantonment of Beawr speedily restored quietness before my arrival. 
The Mairs, in their depositions, frankly stated their understanding that our 
raj in Mairwara had ceased, and that they had returned to the course of their 
ancestors. This circumstance alone carries weight on its face, and shows, in 
plain and unequivocal language, the extreme celerity with which this wild, 
half-civilised people would return to habits so congenial to their feelings, as 
requiring no continued, unbroken labour, as in tilling the soil, to provide them¬ 
selves with the necessaries of life. 

“ 4 th. — The above rough detail conveys the sentiments of the people and 
myself on the subject in discussion. They may be stamped with the hand of 
partiality; for the people are importunately solicitous no change should take 
place, while my regard for Mairwara is naturally strong, from the extreme 
interest I have taken in its welfare and prosperity during the last eight years. 
It is proper, therefore, that evidence stronger in argument and wholly 
unbiassed in its feelings, should be adduced in corroboration of what has been 
advanced. I rejoice to say I possess that evidence; and when I mention that 
the authority is Colonel Sutherland, there can be no room left for the exercise 
of scepticism. Colonel Sutherland visited Mairwara in March, 1841, and, 
after passing through a large portion of the district, having amply satisfied 
himself of all measures referring to the government of the tract, was pleased 
to make a full report for the information of the Governor-General of India. 
It was of so favourable and satisfactory a nature, that His Lordship desired 
a copy of this interesting document should be forwarded at the earliest 


72 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


opportunity for the information of the Honourable the Court of Directors. It 
will be sufficient for the present purpose to transcribe the two last paragraphs 
of the Colonel’s report, since it is a summing up at the close of his tour in 
Mairwara. The letter is dated the 17th of March, 1841: — 

“ 4 8 th. —Much was achieved for the peace and agricultural prosperity of 
Mairwara by Colonel Hall, C. B., and the people have a lively sense of the 
benefits which they derived from his administration. The high degree of 
prosperity which it has now attained, arises, however, from the system 
introduced by Captain Dixon. He may be said to live amongst the people. 
He knows minutely the condition of each village, and almost of its inhabitants 
individually; is ready to redress not only every man’s grievances, but to 
assist them to recover from any pecuniary or other difficulty, in which they 
may be involved. It may be supposed that such a system could not be of 
very extensive application; but from what I have seen here, and from my 
experience elsewhere, I am satisfied that, in unimproved countries, if men of 
Captain Dixon’s energies and disposition could be found, this system of 
management may be of very extensive application. Captain Dixon has no 
European assistance; but his native establishment is so admirably disciplined 
and controlled, that, whether in the construction of tanks, in the assessment 
of the revenue, or the administration of justice amongst this simple and 
primitive people, these establishments conduct all matters to almost as happy 
an issue as he could do himself. I described at some length in the fifteenth 
paragraph of my Khalsa report on the condition of Ajmeer, the system 
pursued by Captain Dixon; and I need here only repeat, that it is simply to 
take from all classes alike the money value of a third share of the produce, to 
assist them to the utmost extent on the part of Government to obtain water 
for irrigation, and to assist them individually with money, or by a remission 
in the share of produce, according to the work to be done in the accomplish¬ 
ment of all objects acknowledgedly remunerative and useful. 

“ 4 9 th. — Military occupation of the country throughout its whole extent 
is held by small detachments from the Mairwara Battalion, put down at such 
distances, that, during our five days’ progress through it, we only saw two of 
these. They are seldom, if ever, now required in support of the civil power; 
and in this country, which before the introduction of our authority could not 
be entered by foreigners, and whose inhabitants lived chiefly at the expense of 
their neighbours, travellers, and property, are secure to a degree known in 


HAPPY CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 


73 


few other countries of India. In proof of the security in which the people 
themselves live, it is only necessary to say, that they have mostly left the towns 
and villages situated on the tops and declivities of their hills, and taken up 
their residence in hamlets or single houses, amongst their fields, or by the side 
of their wells, where they live in great comfort. The condition of their 
villages, hamlets, and houses, the character of their agriculture, their smiling 
and healthful countenances, and their well-dressed condition, all show that 
they are a most prosperous and highly-favoured people. They are, in truth, 
a people whose wants have been supplied, and whose grievances are all 
redressed; and the universal prayer of all classes is, that we may long continue 
to rule over them as we have done, and still more as we are now doing. My 
visit to Mairwara has, therefore, been without results, except in the satisfaction 
which I have derived from witnessing and showing to the Vukeels and chiefs 
of native states who accompanied me this condition of prosperity, and that 
which I now experience in submitting this report for the information of the 
Right Honourable the Governor-General of India in council.’ 

“ 5 th. — These were the deliberate sentiments of an able and experienced 
officer who had seen nearly the whole of the territory comprised under the 
British rule in India. The inhabitants are represented as a £ most prosperous 
and highly-favoured people. They are, in truth, a people whose wants have 
been supplied, and whose grievances are all redressed; and the universal 
prayer of all classes is, that we may long continue to rule over them as we 
have done, and still more as we are now doing.’ This is the eloquent and 
heart-thrilling language in which Colonel Sutherland clothes his sentiments 
after a personal visit to the tract, and after personal enquiries from the Elders 
and others of the land. Language of this satisfactory nature, as pourtraying 
contentment and happiness in a wild, partially civilised, and pristine predatory 
people, has rarely, I may venture to say, graced the archives of the Govern¬ 
ment. Surely some most powerful reasons should exist before the happiness 
and contentment so forcibly depicted as pervading Mairwara be put to flight, 
leaving these circumstances only to find a place in history. In speaking of 
the general security of the tract as compared with the state of things which 
prevailed before British rule supervened, the Colonel’s language is equally 
forcible and eloquent: — £ And in this country, which, before the introduction 
of our authority, could not be entered by foreigners, and whose inhabitants 
lived chiefly at the expense of their neighbours, travellers and property are 

L 


74 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


secure to a degree known in few other countries of India.’ Again, I would 
with respect ask, is it politic, is it desirable, that this security for person and 
property, a state of immunity from crime, should be risked or disregarded 
without most cogent state reasons ? Prudence, reason, a retrospect of the 
labour and life which have been expended during the last twenty-four years 
in effecting this consummation, a regard to the security of life and property 
in neighbouring states, and to the continuance of the contentment and 
happiness forced originally at the point of the bayonet on this untamed 
people; all these circumstances eloquently and earnestly appeal to us to pause 
before we destroy the integrity of Mairwara, or bring on us a charge of breach 
of confidence by the people. 

“ 6 th _For some years past, no complaints of plunder or of robberies 

against the Mairs have been preferred by the authorities of Jodhpore, 
Oudeypore, Jeypore, or Ajmeer. With regard to Marwar, you yourself can 
perhaps give your testimony. I cannot recollect that even a solitary 
reference has been made by you to me on this score. This fact is deserving 
of considerable weight, when we are about to turn harmony into discord, to 
supplant the existing happiness and abstinence from crime by substitutes of 
a dubious tenour, and hazard measures which bear the sanctioned impress of 
time, and are unequivocally approved by the country at large. 

“ 7 th .—In having trespassed thus long on your valuable time, I would 
seek your forgiveness. The subject under discussion is one of such immense 
importance, either as affecting the future happiness of the wild clans we are 
now bringing into the path of civilisation, as referring to the security of life 
and property of the neighbouring states, on which these clans from time 
immemorial were wont to prey, or as affecting the character and reputation 
of the British government, that I have felt it my imperative duty to make a 
full and complete statement of things, before the die be irrevocably cast, and 
the work of deterioration and misrule fall into active operation. To be silent 
on such an occasion, would subject me to the just animadversion and reproof 
of superior authority. I have in plain, unvarnished terms, laid these 
circumstances before you for consideration, and I shall now, with your 
permission, proceed to show that self-interest should induce the Maha Raja to 
advocate a continuance of the present system in Mairwara. 

“8 th. — The Marwar portion of Mairwara consists of twenty-eight 
villages, which are intermixed more or less with the Mair territory belonging 


INTEREST OF THE MAHA RAJA IN CONTINUANCE OF PEACE. 


75 


to Ajmeer and Meywar. They are scattered oyer the range of hills, there 
being a distance of sixty miles between the most northern and most southern 
villages. To maintain the peace, we have two detachments of Sepoys posted 
at different places, independently of the police. The revenue of these 
villages may be assumed at 12,000 rupees annually; allowing, therefore, that 
economy be fully studied, still, after paying the expenses of two strong 
Thanas which must be established, and of the other native officers who would 
be appointed for the administration of affairs, little if anything of this sum 
would remain for transference to the Maha Raja’s treasury. Pecuniary gain 
is therefore wholly out of the question, even granting that peace and 
subordination prevail throughout those villages. But should the peace be 
disturbed, and insurrection arise, the Thanahs must be strengthened, 
increasing the ordinary expenses. It is further to be borne in mind, that the 
present revenue will only remain so long as the people continue to till the 
soil. Again, we must remember that the Mairs have not altogether forgotten 
the precepts instilled in their minds by their fathers. The plunder of a 
kafflah of merchandize, or the sack of a rich village, would prove to them a 
work of ease and of pleasure, and property ten times the amount of the 
present revenue might be lost during one night. Hence the economy of 
keeping this wild people engaged in peaceful employment. 

“ 9 th .—Meywar has made over her Mair villages to our management 
without limitation as to time. The surplus revenue goes towards the 
payment of the Meywar Bheel Corps. She appreciates the advantage of our 
administration in the exemption from plunder which Meywar thereby enjoys. 
I would submit for consideration that Marwar follow this course, and that 
her Mair villages remain incorporated with those of Ajmeer and Meywar as 
at present, sine die; but in consideration of the great friendship existing 
between the Maha Raja Maun Singh and the British Government, the annual 
sum of 15,000 rupees, now paid by Marwar towards the general expenses of 
Mairwara, be remitted, and that the net proceeds of the twenty-eight villages 
be paid into the Maha Raja’s treasury. This measure will insure a con¬ 
tinuance of the prosperity which now pervades Mairwara through its whole 
length of hills, from Khurwa in Ajmeer to Roopnuggur in Godewar, a 
distance of about one hundred miles, and secure our neighbours on the 
frontier in an exemption from plunder. 

“ 10 th _As indicative of the views of Government, twenty years ago, on 


76 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Mairwara affairs, I have the honour to annex a transcript of Mr. Secretary 
Swinton’s letter to the address of Major-General Sir D. Ochterlony, Bart., 
G. C.B., under date the 14th March, 1823. 

“11 th, — The lamented indisposition of the Agent Governor-General 
forbids my appealing to him at this moment, when peace and quietness are so 
urgently demanded to ensure a speedy and effectual return to health; but a 
copy of this despatch will be forwarded to Captain French, with the 
solicitation that he will kindly transmit the same for the favourable con¬ 
sideration and orders of the Right Honourable the Governor-General of 
India.” 

In 1843, Maha Raja Maun Sing intimated his pleasure that his twenty- 
one Mair villages were to continue under British management during a 
further term of three years. The announcement of this intelligence was 
received with intense satisfaction by the whole tract. The people resumed 
their agricultural labours with pleasing energy; fondly entertaining an 
ardent hope that as'their appeal against their transfer to the states had met 
an indulgent consideration from the government on the present occasion, 
they might be permitted to live without further fear of molestation under our 
benignant rule. 

Before entering on a detail of the agricultural improvements which for 
some years past have been progressing so rapidly and systematically through¬ 
out the Mairwara tract, it is proper to take a cursory review of the mode 
in which justice was administered by this wild people, and of the plans 
adopted by us to check crime, and introduce a system of order and regularity 
in the conduct of judicial proceedings. Prior to their subjugation, the sword 
too frequently decided disputes and repaired injuries. Every man stood on 
his own strength, or that of his kindred. The most prolific source of quarrel 
was the abduction of women of one clan by people belonging to another, or 
on account of a breach of promise of marriage. In the former case, the 
whole clan, and all that were on friendly terms with it, would espouse the 
quarrel as their own. Serious encounters would occasionally take place, and 
as loss of life ensued, feuds were generated which were handed down to 
posterity as an heirloom. Another mode in adoption with them, when the 
sword was not chosen as the arbiter, was recourse to “ Deej,” a species of ordeal 
to which the culprit was submitted. This consisted in thrusting the naked 
hand into a vessel filled with boiling oil, or in taking up a red-hot shot with 


SUPERSTITIONS IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 


77 


the hand. Superstition, with its false philosophy, had taught them that 
innocence would protect the culprit from injury from scalding oil, or from 
burning hot iron. That the ordeal was ever put to trial, no proof exists, 
although the people have frequently been pressed to show one solitary 
instance of its use. Still, in the virtue of this remedy as a test for guilt or 
innocence, all hold a firm belief. Although they have been told of the 
fallacy of this doctrine, and that neither innocence nor any human agency 
can prevent flesh from burning when brought into contact with fire, still they 
cling to the belief of their forefathers, and consider the Deej the only true 
and impartial mode of arbitrament. This superstition, like that of 'witch¬ 
craft, will lose its hold on the minds of the people as education spreads its 
influence, and they commence thinking for themselves. 

Another mode of observance, in view to satisfy claimants, was to place 
money or property within a temple or other holy spot, when the individual 
concerned would help himself as far as his conscience sanctioned. On some 
occasions the dispute was decided by one or other party taking an oath, 
under the provision, that were the swearing party to suffer any misfortune by 
death in his family, or loss of cattle or property within a stated number of 
days, his oath was null and void, and his case lost. These were the common 
modes observed in the administration of justice. Punchayut may, on some 
occasions, have been employed : but it was rarely resorted to, from the 
circumstance of there being no means, in the person of superior authority, to 
enforce its decision. 

With ourselves, a recourse to this expedient has been attended with the 
most satisfactory results. In all cases having reference to the abduction of 
women, breach of promise of marriage, claim to land, debts, settlement of 
boundary disputes, minor cases of foujdaree; in a word, in all matters of 
complaints of wrong sustained or injury done, with exception to higher cases 
of crime, the punchayut is the chief instrument employed in the distribution 
of justice amongst this primitive people. 

The following is the ordinary course of procedure: — The complainant 
presents a written petition in Oordoo, in which is embodied the particulars of 
his grievance. At the close of his complaint he expresses his willingness, or 
otherwise, to have his case settled by punchayut. An order is then passed 
for the attendance of the defendant. On his appearing, the complaint is 
explained to him, when he delivers in a counter statement, signifying, at the 
same time, by what mode he wishes to be tried. Should each party desire a 


78 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


punchayut, each names his respective arbitrators; the number of whom is 
alone limited by the pleasure of the contending parties. Sometimes the jury 
consists of twelve members on each side. Generally speaking, on the score of 
economy, each side restricts its quota to three or four members. Objections 
to members on account of nearness of kin, or on other reasonable grounds, are 
allowed, and substitutes are named to supply the place of those challenged 
and rejected. The complainant and defendant then enter into engagements 
to abide by the decision of the punchayut, except in case of disapproval, by 
paying a stated fine to the Government, when a new trial is allowed. In like 
manner, the arbitrators bind themselves by engagements to do strict and 
impartial justice in the case submitted to their decision; in failure thereof, a 
stated sum is forfeited. All preliminaries having been arranged, the case 
comes under investigation. Each party finds its arbitrators in food, which 
varies in quality according to the means of the parties. On the decision of the 
case, the expense devolves on the losing side. As the Elders are chiefly 
selected, from their respectability and inferred knowledge of right, for this 
duty, delay in coming to a decision is not unusual; influenced, perhaps, by 
the circumstance, that they are found in food whilst engaged in such 
investigation. Feelings of pride and the imagined honour of their clan more 
frequently induce delay, when matters between two opposite septs are under 
discussion. Punchayuts have taken a month or five weeks to consider the 
questions at issue. Having at length come to a decision, their opinion, 
recorded in writing, is read and explained to the complainant and defendant, 
who approve or disapprove of the decree of the Punch, accordingly as their 
feelings prompt them. Their decision, generally speaking, is unanimous. 
When otherwise, the opinion of three-fourths of the members is necessary to 
make their decree binding. Although dissentients are at liberty, on paying 
the stipulated fine, regulated in reference to the largeness of the case at issue, 
to demand a fresh trial, this privilege is rarely claimed. The Mairs, when 
allowed time for consideration, are open to reason, and they well know, where 
there is a large majority opposed to them, cogent reasons exist for this 
decision; the more particularly as their arbitrators, or a portion of them, have 
so decided the case. The superintendent will generally know when the 
decision of a Punch is not consonant with the usages of the people. His 
explanation is received willingly by the arbitrators, when any deviation from 
common usage is pointed out to them. In this way, by observing a temperate 
conciliatory tone towards the jury, a slight modification of their decree not 


MODE OE TRIAL. —PUNISHMENTS. 


79 


unfrequently has the desirable effect of bringing round a Razeenamah on both 
sides. 

By constituting the punchayut, the tribunal to which complaints are 
submitted for enquiry and decision, several important advantages are attained. 
The defendants are tried by their own peers, and thus the administration of 
justice is virtually placed in the hands of the Elders, subject, of course, to 
modification and approval by the superintendent. Parties who are dissatisfied, 
are aware their cases have been decided by their friends and clansmen, and 
that, amongst themselves, there is no tribunal whose decree is more to be 
respected or more binding, than that of their own brethren in caste. Against 
the ruling authorities, no grounds of displeasure can exist; for all they have 
to do in the case is to satisfy themselves matters are conducted with regularity, 
temper, and justice. It is a strong argument in favour of this system of 
dispensing justice, that, during the last twenty-six years, the period of our 
rule in Mairwara, no appeal has been made beyond the superintendent of the 
district. 

Until the people were provided with the means of earning their bread 
legitimately, cattle lifting was the general crime. The culprits generally 
confess their crime, and judicial proceedings are, in consequence, much 
curtailed. Prolonged imprisonment is not desirable with a people whose sole 
occupation formerly was to live on the labours of their neighbours. For such 
an offence, unaggravated by other causes, four or six months’ confinement is 
considered sufficient, in conjunction with other matters contingent on gaol 
discipline. More serious crimes are visited with greater severity, as in the 
instance of murder, manslaughter, highway robbery, and offences of that 
nature. Death has not been inflicted as a punishment on the Mairs for many 
years past; indeed, on no single occasion, since peace and tranquillity were 
restored in the tract in 1824. Only three individuals have been transported 
beyond sea. This punishment is regarded with more terror than the sentence 
of death, which all understand. But transportation beyond the seas exceeds 
their comprehension. Their imagination fails to depict the state of suffering 
and privation experienced by those who are consigned to “ Khala Panee.” 
Their state is that of complete uncertainty. Hence the criminals that have 
been transported, live vividly in the recollection of their friends; and hence it 
is that this punishment is regarded more awfully than death, which at once 
removes the subject of all doubts about him. 


80 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


The mode observed in discovering thefts and robberies is perhaps limited 
to the district and its vicinity. A person having lost his bullocks or 
buffaloes, proceeds from village to village in quest of information; having 
slung a “ hunslee,” that is, a collar of silver, about his neck. As this ornament 
is only worn by women, the fact of its being slung round the neck of a man 
indicates at once that he has lost some property, and has come in search of 
information regarding it. He then proceeds to offer the hunslee, or a 
pecuniary reward, to any one who will discover the offender, and point out the 
cattle or property. Travelling thus from village to village, his trouble is at 
length repaid by some of the acquaintances of the culprit, or occasionally one 
of the culprits coming forward as an informer. The owner goes to the place 
indicated, and, in the instance of cattle, he strokes them down the back, in 
virtue of recognition, or, in the case of other property, he makes known his 
right to it to the head of the village. Provided with full information, he 
proceeds to the nearest Thana, and has the particulars of the story embodied 
in a petition, to be sent up to the authorities. In the meantime the police 
proceed to the apprehension of the delinquents, who, with stolen cattle or 
property, and plaintiff, are at once forwarded to the Superintendant. The 
informer is rarely or ever confronted with the delinquent: nor is this 
requisite; for he knows the particulars of the robbery have been fully 
disclosed, and that denial, involving the trouble of proof, would enhance his 
punishment. Hence he finds it more to his advantage to confess to what he 
has done. Through this system of purchasing information, many robberies 
are brought to light, which, in its absence, would remain secret. The 
offenders are made to bear the whole expense incurred in bringing the robbery 
home to them. 

In all civil cases, a fee of one anna in the rupee on the amount sued is 
paid by the plaintiff on the institution of his case, except poverty should 
warrant an exemption. Unless it be particularly ordered to the contrary, 
the losing party defrays all the expenses of trial. 

The main object of punishment has been to improve the morality of the 
people, by making offenders responsible for the loss they have caused, and to 
provide for their own support while in gaol. In this manner, each offender 
has to return the cattle or property stolen, or its equivalent in value. This is 
effected by the sale of his property, or by pledging his lands. He further has 
to pay his share of the sum expended in providing evidence for his own 


PRISON DISCIPLINE. 


81 


conviction. Added to this, he has to reimburse the state for his food and 
raiment. Independently of these drawbacks, he has to undergo imprisonment. 
Thus crime is made expensive, while the inducement to obtain food free of 
expense does not exist. It is true that, in some instances, poverty forbids 
the reimbursement of stolen property, or of the expense of food. As a general 
rule, prisoners are required to arrange for all these contingencies ; and, if not 
able to liquidate all accounts at once, to enter into engagements to contribute 
a fixed sum at each successive harvest. Each prisoner is supplied with a seer 
of barley ata daily, and sufficient wood to bake it into bread. Nothing else is 
given in the way of food. Should he desire condiment or change of diet, it is 
only obtained by relinquishing a portion of the ata in exchange. No objection 
exists against the prisoners being fed by their families; for in either case 
they have to pay the cost of their food. Blankets, and coarse cloth for 
clothing, are supplied when necessary on the application of parties, and on 
their engaging to meet the expense. Such prisoners as are devoid of friends 
and means are provided with these articles as necessity arises. It is, however, 
desirable that the expense incurred by each prisoner should be as light as 
possible, since, on his release, he is required to pay his expenses for food, 
clothing, and the prison establishment. This rule necessarily has reference 
to the people of the country. The recovery of gaol expenses from people 
belonging to foreign states must depend on circumstances. Again, such 
prisoners as are wholly destitute, simply promise to repay their dues when 
able to do so. 

The prisoners move out to work at daylight, returning to thegaol at 10 A. m. 
Work is resumed at 2 p. m., until sunset. They are guarded by a detachment 
from the Mair Battalion. 

In speaking of prison discipline, Colonel Hall thus sums up its advantages: 

_“The gaol expenses being borne by the prisoners, enhances the punishment 

and removes all motive for remaining in prison, even in times of scarcity. The 
system is efficacious, notwithstanding its mildness. Besides being a direct 
preventative of crime, it has tended materially to soften the character, to 
remove atrocity, to enlist the feelings of the country, and, consequently, its 
active support in aid of the police, to render resistance to capture, even by a 
single Chuprassee, very rare. In such a country, two thousand police would 
be ineffectual without the cordial support of the inhabitants; so that their 
good will is of primary importance.” 

M 


82 


CHAPTER IX. 

ARRANGEMENTS FOR AGRICULTURAL IMPROVEMENT. 


Thirteen years’ continued and undivided attention to the affairs of the district 
had impaired Colonel Hall’s health. Taking into consideration the great 
anxiety of mind which was induced, and the constant labour and exposure 
that were necessarily imposed on him in taming the wild tribes of the Hills, 
and substituting regularity and order for anarchy and disorder, this result 
was by no means a matter of surprise. A more arduous undertaking, in 
which the exercise of temper and conciliation combined with firmness were so 
essentially requisite, could not well be imagined. The reform he had to intro¬ 
duce could not be effected in a moment. Time and confidence were indis¬ 
pensable to its gradual advance and ultimate permanency. The customs of 
a country had to be changed, and honest labour and settled habits of thrift 
to be exchanged for an uncertain predatory life. The difficulties to be 
encountered were extremely formidable: yet all were met with patience and 
subdued through perseverance. His exertions had been attended with signal 
success. The regret of the people was great on hearing he was about to leave 
them. The question in their minds was, who would take the kind interest in 
their welfare that had been manifested by him during the thirteen years of 
his administration. 

Whatever may since have been effected in ameliorating the condition of the 
people, or in advancing them in the arts of civilised life, it is to Colonel Hall 
that the credit is due for having laid the foundation of these good works. 
This officer proceeded to the Simla Hills in February, 1835, making over charge 
of the district and command of the corps to the late Captain P. Anderson, the 
second in command. 


APPOINTMENT OF CAPT. DIXON AS POLITICAL AGENT. 


83 


In June*, 1835, the present incumbent was selected by the Governor- 
General, Sir Charles Metcalfe, as Colonel Hall’s temporary successor. Hitherto 
his career had been restricted to his own professional duties in the Regiment of 
Artillery. But now a new and enlarged sphere of action was unfolded to him, 
and it remained to be seen whether the new line of duty that had devolved 
on him would be congenial to his feelings; and whether, through zeal and assi¬ 
duity, his management of the important charge entrusted to him would justify 
his selection for the situation. It is true his tenure of office was but tem¬ 
porary, hinging on the return of Colonel Hall. Should that officer’s health 
be re-established, he would resume his duties: otherwise, a return to Europe 
might be indispensable. Opportunity was taken during the few months that 
he held temporary charge, to examine into the capabilities of the district, to 
visit every village, to converse freely with the people, and acquaint himself 
with their wants. An intimate knowledge of all circumstances affecting the 
desired prosperity of the country was not indeed to be attained by one single 
tour through the district. Still much information was gained as to the wants 
of the people and of the first steps it would be desirable to take, should the 
permanent charge of the district devolve on him. 

In January, 1836, on the departure of Colonel Hall to Europe, the present 
incumbent was confirmed as his successor; and his first duty on receiving the 
welcome intelligence of the appointment was to tender his grateful acknow¬ 
ledgment of the Governor-General’s kindness and condescension in nominating 
him to succeed an officer holding so high and meritorious a character as that 
ascribed to Colonel Hall. The Governor-General was pleased to give the 
following handsome acknowledgment to his letter. 

“ Barrackpore, 14th February, 1836. 

“ My dear Captain Dixon, 

“ I have your letter of the 22d ultimo. I am hardly entitled to any 
thanks from you for nominating you to the charge of Mairwara. I have been 

* Extract from Government Orders, published in the Calcutta Government Gazette, dated 
the 3d June, 1835. 

Political Department. 

“Fort William, 1st June, 1835. 

« Captain C. G. Dixon, of the Artillery, is appointed to officiate as Political Agent in Mair¬ 
wara during the absence of Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, or until further orders. 

(Signed) “ W. H. Macnaghten, 

“ Secretary to the Government of India” 

m 2 


84 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


guided almost exclusively by public considerations. I conceive that in placing 
you in that office, I have secured the best possible means of ensuring the 
prosperity and happiness of the people of that country; relying fully on your 
benevolence, zeal, skill, and public devotion, for the accomplishment of every 
good which it is capable of receiving. 

u Yours, very sincerely, 

(Signed) “ C. T. Metcalfe.” 

A few months’ acquaintance with the duties of his office had fully recon¬ 
ciled him to his charge. He had visited the tract, satisfied himself of the 
wants of the people, and of the great capabilities for improvement. Filled, 
therefore, with an anxious desire to improve the condition of the people, and 
to develope the resources of the country, no incentive was necessary to excite 
him to exertion. Still, the handsome manner in which Sir Charles Metcalfe 
had mentioned him could not fail to operate as an inducement to deserve the 
good opinion that was entertained of him. 

It has already been mentioned that the district of Mairwara is essentially 
mountainous. Hence, the rain descending from the heavens, unless obstructed, 
immediately flowed off, leaving the soil only partially saturated with moisture. 
The rains, too, are extremely precarious; so much so, that the rule which 
obtains is to have bad, and the exception good seasons. The quantity of rain 
that falls in good seasons rarely exceeds twenty-two inches, while it frequently 
only ranges from eight to twelve inches. In 1832, no single shower fell. 
Famine prevailed; and Mairwara experienced all the sufferings and misery 
which are inseparable from such a visitation of Providence. Grain was to be 
had in small quantities, but there was a total absence of forage. The cattle 
died for want of sustenance, and a large portion of the Mairs fled to Malwa. 
Many of those that remained were forced to seek their livelihood in plunder. 
Improvement received a severe check. The country was partially denuded of 
its inhabitants. The cattle had been swept away, leaving the people without 
the means of cultivating the soil. Their morality, too, had, through dire 
necessity, undergone deterioration; since many had only the option of death 
by starvation or existence through plunder. It required the lapse of several 
years to place the country in the position it held before the famine. Inde¬ 
pendently of the rains, generally speaking, being light, a cessation or break in 
the season not unfrequently occurs, when no shower falls for twenty-five or 


IMPROVEMENTS IN AGRICULTURE. 


85 


thirty days. Without artificial aid, through means of wells or tulaos, the 
crops naturally withered and died—the labour of the husbandman was lost, 
and he was necessitated to eke out a subsistence for himself and family through 
cattle-lifting or robbery. Again, some villages were destitute of water even 
for domestic purposes during the hot months of the year, involving the ne¬ 
cessity for the removal of the people to some more favoured location until the 
return of the rains, when they would re-occupy the place, and resume their 
rural labours. At other places the people had to supply themselves with 
water from a distance of two miles. Thus, owing to the capriciousness of the 
seasons, and the uncertainty whether the crops that were sown would arrive 
at a state of maturity, the minds of the people were unsettled. Again, as 
drought so frequently prevailed, the people were constantly in a state of un¬ 
certainty as to remaining in their villages, or of moving to other countries, 
where the seasons were more auspicious, and where they might earn their 
bread as labourers. On a good season occurring, the bulk of the people would 
return to their homes. It will thus be seen that the residence of the people in 
their own country was wholly regulated in reference to the favourableness 
of the season. It would have been futile to have looked for a settled amend¬ 
ment in the morals and habits of such a people until effectual arrangements 
had been made for preventing their constant migration, by providing them 
with the means of gaining their livelihood through honest industry. This 
question being once settled, the amelioration of the condition of the people 
seemed easy of accomplishment. 

It was manifest that water was the great desideratum, and that the first 
step towards improvement must be to provide for its supply. It was the one 
thing necessary to bind the inhabitants to the soil, to attach them to our 
form of government, and to admit of our moulding them into the habits of 
life we desired. It was evident that on its provision, which would ensure 
the ripening of the crops, depended future prosperity. It has been said the 
rains are light and uncertain; but though the fall, in reference to more 
favoured climes, is small, still, were arrangements matured and carried out 
for retaining all the rain that fell on the soil, there was a confident promise 
sufficient would be reserved for the purpose of the cultivator. The plan was 
easy of conception; the difficulty was to carry it out. Its enforcement 
involved the outlay of considerable sums of money. The people at that time 
were too impoverished to afford any gratuitous assistance. Measures in- 


86 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


volving an immediate expenditure for what might have been considered a 
problematical benefit, were not likely to be favourably entertained by the 
government. Colonel Hall, during his thirteen years’ administration, had 
made and repaired seven tulaos. The benefit to the people and the return of 
revenue had been great, but the outlay had been inconsiderably small. To 
have progressed at the slow rate which then prevailed, would have been to 
have protracted the final completion of all the works of irrigation that were 
necessary to an indefinite period. The Superintendant had been recently 
appointed. His character might not be sufficiently known to the authorities 
to warrant a deviation from the then established rule, which was, to 
discourage advances or outlays on agricultural purposes. Still, some essay 
towards effecting improvement was imperative. The subject was brought to the 
notice of the government; such circumstances as favoured the project being 
duly set forth. The proposition was favourably entertained, and sanction 
accorded. The requisition embraced the construction of two tulaos. The 
work contemplated was inconsiderable in respect to what was to be accom¬ 
plished — to place the country in a position to withstand a season of drought. 
But as the government had vouchsafed its sanction, there was a confident 
expectation its support would be continued, and more liberally extended to 
the outlay of larger sums, on the utility, alike to the people and to the state, 
of works of irrigation being made palpably manifest. The question of the 
support of the government having happily been answered in the affirmative, 
it became necessary to arrange systematically for the spread of improvement 
throughout the district. The expense of the larger works, it was evident, 
must be borne by us; but there was no reason for allowing the inhabitants 
to remain inactive. It was desirable to enlist their hearty co-operation in 
the fulfilment of contemplated improvements. To make the country proof 
against famine, it would be necessary to close up the principal watercourses 
which drained the district, in view to retain the water for purposes of 
cultivation. The water thus preserved would be directly useful in irrigating 
the lands to the rear of the tank, through sluices, or, where the land was 
elevated above the water, by the Persian wheel, or by the common well- 
bucket. The bed of the tulao, on the withdrawal of the water, would afford 
luxuriant cultivation, requiring neither water nor manure. The third 
advantage would arise from percolation; by which wells might be sunk in 
rear of the embankment, and much land brought into profitable occupation 


IMPROVEMENTS IN AGRICULTURE. 


87 


beyond the influence of the sluices. The main business was to preserve large 
reservoirs of water, and these were to be obtained at the expense of the state. 
Minor improvements must be carried through by the people. Each village 
was called on to rouse itself to energy—to make every exertion to increase 
the productiveness of the soil, by sinking wells, constructing small tulaos, 
called (in the language of the country) “ Naree,” or by raising stone dike walls 
across their fields ; a measure indispensable in the hilly portions of the tract, 
both to prevent the soil from being washed away, and to maintain moisture 
in the land. A list was prepared, showing the occupation of each individual 
in each village. Such of the idlers who possessed no means for tilling the 
soil, were provided with pecuniary advances for the purchase of a pair of 
bullocks. The intention was to convert every individual into a cultivator, 
and to assist all in need of our support to accomplish this end. By this 
arrangement, no excuse would remain for cattle-lifting or plunder. The 
Superintendant would move from place to place, cheering the sedulous, and 
encouraging the inactive to earn their bread honestly through their own 
exertions. When urged to sink wells, the invariable reply was, that the soil 
was rocky and that there was no under-current of water. The truth of this 
observation could only be tested by experience. The excuse was put forth 
from laziness, or from a want of confidence in their own exertions. At the 
time general and systematic improvements commenced, the people were only 
partially recovering from the famine of 1832. The misery and privations 
under which they had suffered from this visitation had prostrated all their 
energies. They were in truth completely unnerved, and entertained the idea 
it was the pleasure of Providence the country should not flourish. To put 
these doubts to flight, it was necessary to prove to them, that where there 
was a will there was a way; and that if they would rouse themselves to 
exertion, success would crown their labours. Various wells were commenced 
in the villages around the cantonment, at the public expense. This work 
was entered on in view to open the eyes of the people. In due course a 
supply of water was obtained; and on the wells being ready, they were given 
over to the villagers. In this manner, about fifty new wells were brought 
into useful employment. Encouraged at the success which had attended our 
labours, a desire for digging wells began to manifest itself on the part of the 
people. Such who desired our aid were each provided with two pick-axes, a 
fowrah, and ten rupees advance in cash. In this manner the villagers 


88 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


became employed for their own immediate benefit, on advances made by us, 
in place of obtaining a precarious livelihood through robbery. At each 
village where circumstances favoured the project, wells were sunk; and this 
was the first step taken by the people to work out their own welfare and 
independence. In having in this manner induced the people to throw off 
their lethargy and assume habits of activity and energy, a great point had 
been attained. The force of example is powerful amongst all sections of 
society, whether the community be advanced to a high state of civilisation, or 
be rude, untaught, and primitive, as was the case with the Mairs. We had 
succeeded in inducing some villages to assume active operations in sinking 
wells; and as their success became apparent, their industry and exertion 
were held up as an example to those who had not commenced on the 
improvement of their villages. 

Wells could only be sunk in certain positions where the land was level, 
as in a small valley, or by the banks of a nuddee or nullah, where there was 
a reasonable promise of the existence of an under-current of water. The best 
position was in rear of an embankment; since there was a certainty of 
finding springs caused by the filtration of the water from the tank through 
the soil. There was much land that could not be benefited from tulaos, 
owing to its elevation and distance from the supply of water, and in which 
wells could not be dug with any prospect of obtaining sufficient water, in 
consequence of the rockiness of the soil. In such cases, “ Narees ” were 
employed for providing water for cultivation. These small works are tulaos 
in miniature, and they are constructed by one or more cultivators. An 
earthen embankment is thrown across a hollow, in view to close up the rain¬ 
water, which, in the absence of obstruction, would flow off the soil. It is 
protected from the action of the water by a front wall, built of stone without 
cement. Its extent is regulated by the breadth of the hollow across which 
the embankment is to be thrown. The water retained by these field-works 
has a spread over from ten to fifty, and sometimes to one hundred beegahs. 
Muka, or Indian corn, is sown to the rear of the embankment, and the water 
of the naree is brought to profitable use in irrigating the crops during a 
break in the rains, or in bringing the corn to maturity on the close of the 
rains. The bed of the naree is sown with barley. Thus one moderate fall of 
rain fills the naree, affording the assurance of providing for a crop of muka to 
its rear, and one of barley in its bed. Their construction, costing from 20 to 


IMPROVEMENTS IN AGRICULTURE. 


89 


200 rupees, falls within the means of the zumeendars ; for in all agricultural 
works, the cultivators are assisted by us with pecuniary advances, calculated 
to meet one third or one half of the outlay. Narees are most useful works; 
their cost being moderate, repairs few, and returns very remunerative. 
Where localities favoured the measure, their construction was urged on the 
attention of the people. 

Another kind of arrangement was necessary in the more hilly portions, 
to preserve the soil from being washed away by mountain torrents, and, at 
the same time, to check the rain-water in its progress, in view to its being 
absorbed by the soil. The expedient here used, is stone dike walls, built of 
loose stones, without cement. They are thrown across the small vallies, and, 
in some instances, a series of stone dikes is built from the opening of the 
valley or gorge between two hills, and carried over a distance of one or two 
miles; one ascending above the other, to the crest of the hills. The ground 
in some villages is wholly confined to fields maintained by stone dike walls. 
The uppermost of these dike fences is provided, on one or both sides, with an 
escape outlet, through which the surplus rain-water flows down into the 
second field, and thence, through similar outlets, from field to field, fully 
saturating the soil of each in succession. The decayed vegetation washed 
down the faces of the hills is retained by the stone dike walls, and thus 
fertility is imparted to the land. On the first shower of rain falling in June, 
the terraces are sown with Indian corn, which is ready for cutting on the 
expiration of two months after the seed has vegetated. On its removal, 
the land is sown with barley. In this manner, during moderately favour¬ 
able seasons, two crops are annually raised from the terraced or stone diked 
lands. 

The works above noticed had immediate reference to old villages, or such 
as had been established by Colonel Hall. Many thousand beegahs of waste 
land, covered with jungle and infested with wild beasts, spread over the tract. 
The reclamation of these wastes from a state of nature was much desired. 
Capabilities would be thus offered for locating numerous villages or hamlets. 
Notice of the intention of bringing these lands under cultivation was 
communicated to the people, and candidates pressed forward. The selection 
of Puteil, or head of the village, was generally made from among the younger 
brothers or sons of the Puteils of the villages adjoining the new location. 
The collection of the zumeendars to form the new hamlet rested with the 

N 


90 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


new Puteil. His blood relations, and connexions living out of our jurisdiction, 
generally formed the village community; and as only one, or, at farthest, two 
families were allowed to leave the parent village, this arrangement was 
unproductive of detriment or inconvenience, since their lands were cultivated 
by their relations. A fortunate day having been selected, the new village was 
inaugurated, five rupees being contributed by us towards the feast, considered 
indispensable on such an auspicious occasion. The Puteil was furnished with 
a putta or grant, sanctioning certain remissions in rent, until the hamlet be 
considered sufficiently advanced in prosperity to bear the rates taken from old 
established villages. The remissions were to this effect. During the first 
year, one sixth of the produce was taken; one-fifth was taken on the second 
year; and, during the next four years, one-fourth was the government share. 
After that period, the rates corresponded with those paid by old villages. At 
the same time, the new settlers were provided with pecuniary advances for 
the purchase of bullocks, and for the construction of any small field work. 
These advances were repaid in four or six instalments, within three years after 
the establishment of the village. Tools were furnished to all who had occasion 
for their use, and free of expense. The settlers were expected to build their own 
houses. The remission thus accorded was requisite to repay the people for 
their labour, in clearing away the jungles, eradicating the roots of trees, and 
in rendering the land suited for the plough. In bringing waste land under 
cultivation, our population received considerable augmentation. Wild beasts 
were forced to yield up their haunts and remove to a distance, thus decreasing 
the chances of loss of life to men and cattle; while our rent-roll showed the 
measure had been beneficial to us in a pecuniary view. 

It has been said that it was the intention to engage all the inhabitants in 
the tillage of the land. The people were from time to time assembled, at the 
village chuopal, or seated under the awning adjoining the Superintendant’s 
tent, and urged to look to the soil alone as the source from which wealth was to 
be obtained, and independence of circumstances secured. They were told that 
idleness or a state of inactivity would not be permitted, now that the govern¬ 
ment had taken each individual by the hand, and assisted all suffering from 
poverty with the means of eventuating their own welfare and prosperity; that 
now that provision was made for ensuring food to themselves and families, no 
reason existed for their preying on the labours of their neighbours; and that 
offenders against the law would receive greater punishment than was formerly 




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PUTEILS OR HEAD MEN OP JAK.WITH TWO MINSTRELS. 

Lithographed, by Smith .Elder & C° Comh] 11 .London. 







































COMPOSITION OF A MAIK VILLAGE. 


91 


given to culprits, when cattle-lifting and robbery more generally pre¬ 
vailed. It was further intimated, that such as disregarded this advice, inde¬ 
pendently of falling under the displeasure of the Sirkar, would be recognised 
as outcasts by their friends and brethren. By thus addressing ourselves to 
the feelings and sympathies of the people, the subject of improvement was 
continually preserved in their minds. From the solicitude with which the 
subject was urged, and from the substantial pecuniary assistance that was so 
widely and generally imparted, the people became satisfied that the advance¬ 
ment of their interests was the true cause of our anxiety. The expedient of 
troubling ourselves about the welfare of the people, and of making large 
outlays for their benefit, was altogether novel. It had not been practised 
in any of the neighbouring Rajpoot states; but as the industrious were 
recompensed for their labour, and their stores of grain and flocks increased, 
it became evident to their minds that our motives were wholly disinterested, 
and that we were influenced solely by feelings of benevolence. 

The communities of the Mair villages consist essentially of themselves, who 
are the cultivators, and the servants of the village: viz. the smith, carpenter, 
potter, minstrel, barber, and bulahee. The tillage of the soil does not devolve 
on these classes as their immediate calling; for they are paid by the cultivators 
a certain quantity of grain each harvest and for each plough, besides receiving 
stated perquisites on the occasion of a marriage or the birth of a son. The 
business of the Dholee, or minstrel, was exclusively restricted to his professional 
avocation, in attending at weddings, or in accompanying the chief of the 
village on all occasions of festival. The Bulahee, answering to the Chumar 
of the provinces, made and repaired shoes for the community, free of expense, 
from the hides of deceased cattle, prepared by himself: he repaired well- 
buckets, and was the out-door servant-of-all-work to the village. It was 
evident these classes enjoyed an unnecessary degree of leisure, and that, if we 
could succeed in applying their energies to husbandry, we should at once 
command a large increase to our agricultural means. The Bulahee being the 
lowest caste man in the village, and the one least of all connected with the 
tillage of the land, was first taken in hand. He was promised waste land, 
bullocks to till it, and advances for sinking a well, constructing a naree, or 

* The Superintendant is thankful to Lieutenant F. J. Burgess, of the 74th Regt., for the 
annexed group of “ Puteils, or head men of Jak, with minstrels ” (Plate II.), and a few other 
sketches. 


N 2 


92 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


building a stone dike, according to the land in his village. He was told 
that he was now the slave of the village community; that, by himself becom¬ 
ing a cultivator, possessing cattle and a well, his respectability, not only in 
his own village, but amongst the whole of his brethren in caste, would be 
increased; that, by becoming a zumeendar, he would, from his advanced 
position in society and means, have his brethren suing him to take their 
daughters in marriage with his sons.* In a word, his pride was flattered. 
It is unnecessary to add that the force of persuasion was effectual. He 
took kindly to the occupation of cultivator, and, through the force of ex¬ 
ample, every Bulahee has now become a zumeendar. The Lohar, carpenter 
and Koomhar, were craftsmen in their own line, their business demanding 
constant application. People of this class were readily open to reason, and, 
as they found the Sirkat was liberal in making advances for agricultural 
works, and that, if they did not take their share of the waste land to be 
divided amongst the village, no such favourable opportunity might again 
offer, they cheerfully signified their acquiescence in the cultivating mania, 
which was now beginning to pervade the tract. The minstrel was a more 
difficult subject to handle. His calling is essentially that of a gentleman. 
Laborious thrift with him and his class was unknown. His hands had never 
been blistered from friction with a plough-handle, or by contact with any 
rural implement. His energies were restricted to playing the fiddle, beating 
the drum, singing the praises of his chief or clan, and to telling stories. His 
treatment required adroit management. It is sufficient to say his pride too 
was flattered, and that he was enrolled as a convert to rural industry. Again, 
the force of example was great; and now scarcely a minstrel is to be found 
who is not employed as a cultivator. In thus converting the servants of 
the village into husbandmen, no inconvenience was experienced. Indeed, 

* Fathers are reluctant to give their daughters in marriage, where a due provision for their 
support has not been previously made. An instance may be cited in the Ajmeer Khalsa village 
of Nagelas. The community is composed of Groojurs ; and as they possessed no well or Tulabee 
land, the cultivators were placed at the mercy of the seasons. During times of drought, they 
were obliged to move off with their herds to more favoured lands. Their condition was un¬ 
certain and unfavourable, and much difficulty was experienced by fathers in obtaining wives for 
their sons. In 1842, three large tank embankments were constructed at this village, whereby 
1500 beegahs of rubbee cultivation were provided for, in a place where not one biswah had 
previously existed. The condition of the people had undergone such marked improvement, from 
poverty to comparative independence, that fathers were importuned by their brethren in other 
places to take their daughters in marriage with their sons. 


FORMATION OF BULAHEE VILLAGES. 


93 


the measure contributed to the increase of hands; for their brethren and 
friends in less prosperous circumstances joined them from places beyond 
our rule. 

In bringing waste jungle lands into occupation, there were some spots 
for the cultivation of which there were no candidates. The communities to 
which these spots were contiguous were urged to make arrangements for 
their occupation within an assigned time; otherwise we should adopt our own 
plans. Those concerned might have desired the land should remain for the 
grazing of the cattle, or they might have been impressed with the notion, that, 
without their assistance, we should not have the- ability to establish new 
hamlets. But we were prepared for all contingencies. As the Bulahees had 
turned out such skilful and diligent cultivators, it seemed expedient to 
establish a few villages of this caste. Mairs could not be brought to inhabit 
the lands of other clans without inducing feuds. Jats, Goojurs, and Moosul- 
mans were too timid to risk displeasure from the village which claimed the 
lands. The alternative was to locate a community of Bulahees. A candidate 
from that caste, generally belonging to the village claiming the spot, having 
offered himself, he was nominated Puteil of the new community. His relations 
and brethren in caste were collected, according to his pleasure, from adjacent 
states. The Bulahees well know their position, and they always comport 
themselves with respect towards the lords of the soil. They are wholly 
unassuming in their behaviour, and hence no inconvenience has arisen from 
this measure. They hold their village servants and beat their own drum, as 
with other communities ; with this exception, that the inferior duties which 
devolved on them in other villages, are in their own performed by Bheels. 
We have five villages inhabited by Bulahees, all of which are extremely 
flourishing. In carrying out this arrangement, the occupation of the waste 
land was not the sole motive. It afforded us the opportunity of comparing 
the industry of one class with that of another. It was further the panacea 
for bringing into use other jungle wastes. The clan to whom the jungle 
appertained was urged to reclaim the waste; otherwise a thriftful colony of 
Bulahees would relieve them of their cares and of their spare land. The 
threat was sufficient to incite them to action. Since the location of the five 
Bulahee villages above described, at considerable distances apart along the 
tract, it has been unnecessary to have recourse to this expedient. The Mairs 
had no great objection to the Bulahees occupying their land, because they 


94 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


were respectful and humble before the proprietors of the soil. Still, the 
location of a community under such circumstances argued slackness on the 
part of the clan on whom this expedient was served; and their honour was 
touched. But the measure had been carried out, and the few examples that 
had been made had proved sufficient to effect the reclamation of all the 
waste jungle lands then remaining. 

It has thus been shown that the prosperity of the country was to be 
brought about, by closing up with embankments all the channels which drain 
the tract during the season of the rains. The great reservoirs, or tulaos, thus 
formed were to be constructed by us, and at our expense. The people were to 
be encouraged to assist our great operations for increasing the produce and 
fruitfulness of the soil, by sinking wells, constructing narees, and building dike 
walls. Arrangements were further matured for bringing jungle wastes into 
remunerative occupation. The projected improvements were on a scale of 
great magnitude, stretching over a tract of country one hundred miles in 
length. The work, too, could not be effected in one season. It would require 
the lapse of many years to mature and complete all the contemplated works 
of agriculture. The success of all arrangements must entirely hinge on the 
untiring zeal and vigilance of the Superintendant. To carry through his 
projects, it would be necessary that he disengage himself from all private pur¬ 
suits and pleasures, and devote his entire undivided energies to the fulfilment of 
the object. His presence would be essential to inspect every large and small 
work in each village, and to encourage the people in the undertakings on 
which they were engaged. He must be constantly in camp, without reference 
to burning heat or drenching rain; in a word, until all difficulties were over¬ 
come, all works of irrigation completed, and permanent prosperity ensured, he 
must be a slave to duty. It remained with him to choose, whether he would 
seek personal comfort and ease in restricting himself to ordinary duties, as 
is done by some public officers, or whether he would face the difficulties and 
undergo the toil which must be inseparable from an undertaking of such 
magnitude continuing through a long vista of years. Happily, little con¬ 
sideration was required in making his election. He chose usefulness at the 
expense of personal comfort. Philanthropy had imbued his feelings before 
his transfer to Mairwara. His humble services, while unconnected with civil 
duties, had proved useful to the community of Ajmeer during a season of 
dire distress, and they had been recognised by the highest authority in the 


DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESOURCES OF MAIL WAR A. 


95 


country.* The sphere of usefulness which opened to him was extensive; 
and great would be the honour and glory were his brightest anticipations 
realised. It was his ambition to secure the country against drought, to 
provide the means for sowing two crops in every village, in order that the 
people should possess no leisure for predatory excursions; to develope the 
capabilities of the country, and so to induce the people into the habits of an 
industrious peasantry, that Mairwara, as a whole, might serve as a pattern 
in all respects to our Rajpoot neighbours. How far success has been attained 
will be shown in the sequel. 

It is now proper to notice another want that prevailed in the district, 
and relate the steps that were taken to supply it. But as the subject is 
fruitful in events, and its relation may call for some space, it will be reserved 
for the next chapter. 

* “ Political Department. 

“ To Captain Dixon, Ajmeer. 

“ Sir, 

“ The various useful and ornamental works which have been undertaken by private indi¬ 
viduals at Ajmeer, at your suggestion, and carried on under your skilful superintendence, having 
been brought to the notice of government, I am directed to inform you that your benevolent and 
public-spirited exertions in this respect have been reviewed with the greatest satisfaction by the 
Honourable the Governor-General of India in council. This mode of employing your time and 
talents is deserving of the highest praise ; and your laudable conduct is considered as entitling 
you to the thanks of government, which I am hereby instructed to convey. 

“ I have, &c. 

(Signed) “ W. H. Macnaghten, 

“ Secretary to the Government of India. 

Port William, 

11th May, 1835.” 


96 


CHAPTER X. 

BUILDING OF THE TOWN OF NYA NUGGUK. 

It has been said that water was the great desideratum to insure the prosperity of 
the tract. The next in importance was the location of people of the Muhajun * 
caste. In the regimental bazaar, there were necessarily a few of this class. 
But their business had immediate reference to furnishing the corps with 
supplies of food and raiment. They were wholly unconnected with the 
agricultural interests. Moreover, as none of them had families living with 
them, their residence was by no means permanent. Their families remained 
in their own countries, to which they would from time to time return. 
Thus, no advantage accrued to the country from the presence of these 
Muhajuns, further than that enjoyed by the battalion. A few Muhajuns 
had taken up their residence at Beawr; but the number was inconsiderable, 
and the benefits arising from their presence were extremely restricted. Nor 
did any of this class permanently reside in the villages. The dealings of the 
zumeendars were carried on with the Muhajuns of the towns of the neigh¬ 
bouring states which skirted our border. Seed and grain for the support of 
the cultivators and their families were obtained from these Muhajuns, and 
the produce of the soil was made over to them. So great was the dearth of 
this class of people, so necessary to the welfare and prosperity of the 
agricultural community, that the putwarees, or village accountants, were 
borrowed from the towns beyond our jurisdiction. At the time when this 
subject was under consideration, no single marriage of a Muhajun had taken 
place within the limits of our rule. It might be the Buneahs * were afraid of 
the Mairs; they might have distrusted their honour and their honesty. At 
any rate, there was a manifest want of confidence on their part. The profits, 
therefore, that were earned by the Buneahs were spent out of the district. 
Their earnings, in place of tending to prove advantageous to the tract, went 
to enrich foreign states. This was a state of things which called for deep 

* Muhajuns or Buneahs ; traders or shopkeepers. 


A TOWN NECESSARY TO AGRICULTURAL IMPROVEMENT. 


97 


consideration. The cultivators were completely at the mercy of their 
Borahs. The price of grain was enhanced at seed time; while on the harvest 
being cut, it was purposely relaxed. Again, ghee, the produce of their 
herds, the only item given to the Borahs besides grain, was taken at their 
own price. Thus, the cultivators were subject to extortion, and reaped only 
a portion of their legitimate gains. The fact was, there was no open bazaar 
where produce might command an equitable return. Competition being a 
negative quantity, monopoly, as a matter of course, prevailed. It is an 
established fact, that agriculture cannot prosper without the intervention of 
Muhajuns. Capital, also, was urgently desired. A few lakhs of rupees, 
spread in small advances to the cultivators throughout the district, would 
inspirit the people and materially accelerate our plans of amendment. That 
Muhajuns had not before located themselves in the Mugra, is ascribable to 
the irregular habits of the people, to the precariousness of the seasons, and to 
the limited produce. The apprehension of the abolition of our arrangements 
in Mairwara in 1832, had conduced, in no ordinary degree, to alarm this 
class, at all times given to timidity. The question was, how was this 
difficulty to be overcome. Who were to be solicited to launch their fortunes 
amongst the wild, unsettled denizens of the Mairwara Hills ? An application 
to any party to embark capital would only have received acquiescence on the 
Sirkar becoming security for the advances imparted to the cultivators. As 
this provision could not be granted, no application was made. It was plain 
that individual Muhajuns could not be enticed to become settlers, and our 
only chance of success was to devise such an arrangement as would supply 
numbers in place of solitary individuals. The subject had duly engaged the 
attention of the Superintendant while in temporary charge of the district. 
The remedy seemed easy of attainment; but to apply it, while his residence 
in the country was uncertain, might have been injudicious. On his per¬ 
manent appointment to office, all plans affecting the interests and amended 
position of the people would be unfolded; amongst which was the measure 
involving the location of Muhajuns. 

It required the exercise of no excessive thought to show that a kusbah, 
or small town, was necessary to accelerate and cement our arrangements for 
agricultural improvement. Our plans for augmenting the extent of cultivation 
and increasing the produce of the lands, had commenced; and there was a 
confident expectation that anticipations on this score would be realised. The 
Superintendant had passed a long period in this part of the country. He had 

o 


98 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


been stationed three years at Nusseerabad on the formation of that cantonment, 
and had then been fourteen years attached to the Ajmeer Magazine. His cha¬ 
racter was therefore known, and his anxious desire to contribute his humble aid 
towards the social improvement of the people might have had some weight 
with the community in inducing them to entertain his plans favourably. The 
Regimental Bazaar was the only place from which supplies could be obtained; 
but they were restricted to the common articles forming the ordinary food 
of the natives, and to coarse cloths. All other supplies were drawn from 
Nusseerabad or Ajmeer, respectively distant thirty-two and thirty-six miles. 
A marriage could not be celebrated nor the funeral obsequies performed, 
without application to either of these sources of supply. This state of de¬ 
pendence was alike irksome and inconvenient. It was therefore determined 
to make an effort to work out our own independence. If the measure in 
contemplation were unsuccessful, our position would not be injured or 
deteriorated. But hope assured us of success. 

In February, 1836, a "notification in the Oordoo and Hindee characters 
was prepared, intimating our intention of building a small town, or kusbah, 
on a waste spot of land adjacent to the cantonment of Beawr. It set forth 
that at that time arrangements had been matured, and were in the course 
of progress, for developing all the capabilities of the district, and that a wide 
field would be opened to merchants and traders for the investment of their 
money: that the position of the proposed town was admirably suited for com¬ 
mercial dealings, being situated between the states of Marwar, Meywar, and 
Ajmeer, and that all that were desirous of living under our rule would be 
treated with kindness and consideration. The customs duties leviable on 
merchandise connected with the new town would be remitted during the first 
two years. . During the next four years, partial remissions would be made ; 
whilst the permanent rates would be extremely light. Copies of this 
notification were sent to the several neighbouring towns. It was quickly 
responded to; and people from all quarters flocked in to ascertain in person 
what were our intentions. These were duly communicated; and as visitors 
became satisfied with our plans and approved of our arrangements, they 
signified their pleasure by intimating a wish to hold one or more shops. 
Candidates having been obtained for forty shops, measures were matured for 
a commencement of the buildings. It appeared desirable, in order to insure 
the uniformity of the buildings, and regularity in their construction, that a 
portion of the bazaar be built by us to serve as a pattern to all other builders. 

























PLATE 


CO 





n 

o 


r~! 

o ~ 

o 


OQ 


<D 

O' 

■COj 

Q 

• f—4 



























PREPARATIONS FOR BUILDING. 


99 


To have left this question to be determined by the caprice of the settlers, 
would have been to have sacrificed appearance and uniformity without any 
compensating advantage. The bazaar was therefore marked out with line 
and rule; the space unoccupied admitting of extension on all sides. Forty 
shops were marked off, forming the nucleus of two streets, crossing each 
other at right angles. The breadth of these streets was seventy-two feet; a 
width sufficient for the purposes of traffic, and to insure health to the 
inhabitants. The new bazaar at Ajmeer was adopted as a model. The shops 
were formed of stone walls covered in with slab roofs. Their construction 
called for the provision of building stone, slabs for doorways, shelves, flooring 
and roofing, and lime for cement. A few parties of Bildars speedily opened 
quarries. The hills around were searched for slabs. Our labours were 
quickly requited in discovering extensive veins of gneiss, laminated granite. 
It was of the first importance to employ the people of the country as much as 
possible in these works. The town was being built for their ultimate benefit, 
and the more extended were their labours, the more it would prove pro¬ 
fitable to them. This employment would further drill them into habits of 
toil. The Mairs were accordingly provided with the requisite tools, and 
instructed in the mode of cutting and separating the laminse. Carts became 
necessary for the transport of the slabs from the quarries to the site of the 
intended town. Here another occupation had sprung up. Hackeries were 
made, and employment was given to many hands in carting the slabs. This 
difficulty was thus easily overcome. The next consideration was to provide 
lime. This subject had also received attention. On first proceeding to 
Mairwara, the Superintendant found that the Moorund Kunkur had alone 
been used as lime for the tank embankments constructed by his predecessor. 
It was found in few situations, and in very small quantities. Stone lime, for 
the purposes of whitewashing or for the ornamental work of buildings, was 
brought from Kishengurh, a distance of fifty-three miles from Beawr, and at 
a greatly enhanced price. It was evident that expense forbad the use of this 
lime for general purposes. Unless the difficulty then experienced in providing 
for this article were removed, the expense attending the construction of the 
town and our works of irrigation would be so extremely great, as almost to 
operate as a prohibition. Some of the Superintendant’s leisure hours when at 
Ajmeer had been given to the study of mineralogy, and it appeared to him 
not unlikely that veins of limestone, which prevail so extensively in primitive 
formations, would be found in the Mair Hills. Search was accordingly 


100 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


instituted. Veins of granular limestone were easily recognised as pervading 
not only the Hills themselves, but were observed cropping out of the soil in the 
adjoining vallies. A vein actually existed on the site to be appropriated to the 
town, passing through the gaol and through the cantonment. It is said that 
knowledge is power; and here we had a gratifying exemplification of its 
truth. This discovery has proved of lasting benefit to us. Specimens of the 
limestone thus discovered were sent to all the Thanahs, and where public 
works were in contemplation, the native officers were required to have search 
made for limestone, since their construction depended chiefly on having lime 
near at hand. The knowledge to discriminate carbonate of lime from quartz 
was quickly picked up by the people, and, strange to say, every work 
constructed in Mairwara since 1835, has been built with stone lime. In this 
respect, therefore, our wants were abundantly supplied, and at one-sixth of the 
price paid for' the article brought from Kishengurh. A few experienced 
masons instructed the Mairs in the mysteries of the trowel. They were also 
converted into Bhistees, or water-carriers; while the bulk of the labourers 
was furnished from the same class. Here, then, was an unfailing source of 
employment afforded to the Mairs. Opportunity was given them for earning 
their bread through industry, and of applying their savings to the improvement 
of their lands. Work, too, public and private, was progressing in each 
village; and at that period no solitary idler was to be found. On the 1st of 
May, 1836, three months after the first stone was laid, the bazaar was opened 
for traffic. The building at one corner of the cross bazaars had been 
appropriated for a Thanah, while a second corner had been set apart as the 
Custom House. Each of these buildings has two stories, and their appearance 
is handsome. The Thanah was removed from the mud-house it occupied in 
the cantonment to its pucka building in the new town. In the meantime, as 
settlers came in, ground was allotted to them; care being taken to preserve 
the regularity of the streets. The fame of the new town spread on all sides. 
Work-people of all descriptions flowed in to seek employment; and, as 
the call for labourers was much increased, and more than could be met by 
the Mairs, now widely employed on agricultural works, occupation was given 
to them. Mohullas were marked off for the residence of the different castes. 
In the train of the Muhajun class came the usual servants of a village 
community. Each family made its own selection as to the place of its abode 
within its own division, or Mohullah. In due course their religious edifices 
were constructed, and the business of life fell into the course of steady 
regularity which characterises the internal economy of old established towns. 


LOCATION OF A NEW TOWN. 


101 


In no instance was any section of the people, or any single individual, solicited 
to settle in the new town. 

The advantages which had been anticipated as likely to arise out of this 
novel but bold measure of locating a town composed entirely of foreigners in 
the heart of the Mugra, were one by one unfolded. An assurance was thus 
afforded to the aborigines, as well as to the settlers, that the development of 
the resources of the district had become our fixed determination. In this 
arrangement there was a presumed certainty that the district would remain 
intact, and that all who invested money in local improvements would be 
permitted to live under our rule without molestation. The Mairs, too, became 
convinced the time had now arrived for exertion and amendment; for all 
prospect of their being left to govern their country as heretofore, had vanished 
before our extended plans of improvement. Beawr was the first place to 
follow the example set by the new town, in substituting substantial slabbed- 
roofed houses in place of the mud-wall tenements they then occupied. A 
broad pucka bazaar was further built. Many of the Muhajuns who had deal¬ 
ings with the Mairs residing in border towns, moved over with their families 
to settle permanently in the district. The Regimental Bazaar underwent im¬ 
provement. The Buneahs* sent for their families, and erected houses of pucka 
masonry. The location of the new town had, as it were by magic, imparted 
confidence to all sections of society. The country was traversed by all classes 
with a full assurance of security. Many families of the Malee caste had come 
to reside in the town. They were employed as cultivators, and raised 
vegetables. A proof of the security of life and property was manifested in 
the wives of the Malees proceeding, without molestation and unattended, with 
baskets of vegetables on their heads for sale to villages some miles distant 
from the town. No single instance of impropriety was on any occasion 
shown towards these women, who would constantly travel alone over a 
distance of several miles. As the productive means of the district were 
increased, and villages became provided with Tulaos, Buneahs, attended with 
their families, would, of their own accord, quietly settle down. All fears 
from the Mairs had suddenly disappeared, as if the thing had only had 
existence in a tale. Much capital had been advanced to the cultivators, and a 
good understanding had been established between the old inhabitants and new 
settlers. Several new bazaars sprung up in different villages, evidencing the 
increase of produce and growth of wealth. 

The complete abstinence from plunder and robbery on the part of the 

* Gardeners. 


102 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


people excited considerable astonishment in the minds of the new settlers and 
in those of the adjoining states. The reason was obvious. The Mairs were 
profitably employed in obtaining their livelihood; and as want of food was 
the chief inducement to irregular conduct, this cause had happily ceased to 
exist. Still, as the town expanded in size, and it began to be filled with rich 
merchandize and valuable goods, some fears would enter the minds of the 
townsmen, that this exemption from plunder and robbery might be in¬ 
tentional on the part of the Mairs, who were supposed to desire confidence to 
be established, in order that the place might be sacked when sufficiently rich. 
Such duplicity was never entertained on their part. Whether the towns¬ 
people really did hold this sentiment, or whether it was assumed for ulterior 
purposes, a general idea prevailed that security for life and property could 
not be fully attained without defending the town with a high wall. The 
construction of a wall of masonry round the town would be attended with 
many advantages. Its presence would impart confidence to the residents. 
It would protect the inhabitants from any sudden attack on the part of 
dacoits*, and it would prevent the abstraction of cattle on the part of the 
Mairs, or that of the Baorees, a class of hereditary thieves who resided in the 
border towns and villages, and received protection from the chiefs by paying 
them one-fourth of their earnings. All circumstances advocated the measure. 
The expense was the only stumbling-block. This could alone be overcome 
through the liberality of the government. In August, 1838, an application 
was accordingly made, setting forth the necessity of the measure and the 
benefit it would confer on our infant town. The cost was estimated at 
17,000 rupees. The proposition received the same favourable attention that 
has characterised the government in all measures referring to the improve¬ 
ment and happiness of the Mairs. Sanction was accorded, and our services 
were called into active utility to raise the fortifications of the town. The 
Shuhurpunah j* essentially consists of a rampart with parapet defended by 
thirty-two massive bastions. The rampart has a breadth of six, and the 
bastions of twelve feet. The parapet rises in height above the rampart seven 
feet, having a thickness of from two to three feet. The curtain walls, 
exclusive of foundation, have an elevation above the terre-plein of the country 
of seventeen feet; while the bastions are twenty-one feet in height. It was 
originally intended to build the works of dry stone without mortar. But the 
quarries did not run equal, and the stone was not as schistose as was 
* Gang-plunderers. f Town-wall. 


































- 





























' 



































PLATE 5 



WITH 

VICINITY 

CANTONMENT 

AND 

ROADS. 


Tr Mansur 


Ca/U-tmmait 

of 

Mtnrwara ' 
Local TxrttaU-ons 


T Ocdcyp, 


i ur Bnrat Hills 


li.-lpHr+r 


~£tavw 




To Merten r 


hritscUa liantjt 


llesulmce 

Ditto 

Jtitto 

Ditto 


Cbrnman/ituUs (Jack!' Colonjtl/Ducon- 
Second- ui Command#! laptfCadi/) 
Adjutant's (l.n’u '' (artwmyht 
Medical Officer's (l) r ColtyerJ 
J/ccjrtne/Uaf Hospital 
Cemetery 

Jail. 

Strait 

(rardtn ' (Suf/ermtendetit's) 

Veyetahle field 
Tank 
Weirs. 

Low Bocfy Mounds (haw tv-r rtamt a 
He/jimentaL Jjiuar 


two hot 


To d/nterr 

via /thurtru 




I.iVn.’fflvtjif.Ri: b f ' S.iml.K Kldfii o ' 0 Corakil: . I'l.dor 
























































CONSTRUCTION OF FORTIFICATIONS. 


103 


expected. Hence, it became necessary to build it of stone, with mud as a 
cement, and to protect the exterior faces from the action of the rains by a 
coating of lime, well beaten into the interstices of the stone, and again 
permanently secured against corrosion by covering it with a thin coating of 
ground lime, applied with a small trowel, and polished until it became dry. 
This outer coating effectually prevents the absorption of moisture. It is, in 
fact, a thin external covering of marble chunam. There are four gateways 
to the town, their names in three instances answering to the countries to 
which they lead. Thus the northern gateway is called the Ajmeer Durwaza; 
that to the west, Marwar. To the south is the Meywar Durwaza; and to the 
east is the Sooruj Pohl, the gate opening towards the rising sun. The gateways 
are built of the best stone lime masonry, and provided with accommodation 
for the guard and custom-house officers. An idea of the town with its 
fortified wall is presented in Plate No. 5. The total length of the wall is 
10,569 feet, holding 884,161 cubic feet of masonry. Its cost was 23,840 



AJMEEE GATE OE NYA NTJGGUE. 













104 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


rupees; an increase beyond tbe estimate, consequent on substituting a wall 
of masonry in place of dry stone. The work is strong, and is calculated to 
last, with common attention, through an indefinite period of years. Colonel 
Sutherland, on viewing the place, was pleased to observe that the building the 
town wall of Nya Nuggur was enough to immortalise one man. 

Ample provision has been made for the supply of water to the towns¬ 
people : three pucka wells, having a diameter of twenty-seven feet each, 
having been constructed within the walls; while outside there are many 
wells. Neem, peepul, and burgut trees have been planted in the principal 
streets, at the gateways and in the roads approaching the town. The town is 
so high in respect to the adjacent country, and the ground so firm, that the 
rain-water runs off at once, admitting of the streets being traversed im¬ 
mediately on the conclusion of a shower. By having broad streets parallel to 
each other intersecting the town from north to south and from east to west, 
ventilation is effectually ensured and health preserved. 


NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE POPULATION. 


105 


The following table shows the nature and extent of the town population: — 


Number of Families residing in Nta Nuggur. 


Muhajuns: — 






Weavers of Coarse and Fine Cloth 

- 

135 

Oswals 

- 

- 

- 

- 

200 

Shoemakers and Saddlers - 

- 

- 

8 

Ugurwalahs 

- 

- 

- 


80 

Khuteeks - 

- 

- 

12 

Muhesree 

- 

- 

- 

. 

50 

Tumbolees, Tobacco Sellers, Bisathees, 


Suraogee 

- 

- 

- 

- 

50 

and Bhoojwas 

- 

- 

20 

Beejaburgees 

- 

- 

- 

- 

20 

Reigurs and Chumars 

- 

- 

180 

Malees - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

140 

Turners of Ivory 

- 

- 

9 

Calico-printers, or 

Cheepas 

- 

- 

40 

Water-carriers 

- 

- 

7 

Dyers, or Rungrez 

- 

- 

- 

- 

8 

Kuhars - - 

- 

- 

4 

Ironsmiths 

- 

- 

- 

- 

60 

Rajpoots - 

- 

- 

30 

Oilmen, or Teilees 

- 

- 

. 

- 

80 

Cultivators of other kinds 

- 

- 

35 

Goldsmiths 

- 

- 

- 

- 

50 

Dancing Women 

- 

- 

5 

Thutheras, or Brassworkers 

- 

- 

8 

Fukeers, or Beggars 

- 

- 

10 

Lackermen, or Chooree Sellers 

_ 

- 

20 

Washermen - 

- 

- 

10 

Potters - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

150 

Ghosees - 

- 

- 

4 

Carpenters 

- 

- 

- 

- 

30 

Butchers - 

- 

- 

15 

Brahmins 

- 

- 


- 

90 

Kayuts - 

- 

- 

4 

Barbers - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

40 

Paper-makers - 

- 

- 

7 

Dholees, or Minstrels 

- 

- 

- 

10 

Miscellaneous - 

- 

- 

104 

Juttees, and Byragees 

- 

- 

- 

25 

Cheetas - 

• 

- 

36 

Tailors - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

40 

Putwas - 

- 

- 

3 

Masons - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

40 

Sweepers - 

- 

- 

40 

Jats 

- 

- 

- 

- 

40 




— 

Goojurs - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

6 

Total Families 

- 

1955 


The gaol, built in 1823, is within forty paces of the Shuhurpunah, and 
adjoining it are the residences of the Amlah, Yukeels, and public servants, 
amounting to fifty families. There are five hundred shops of pucka masonry 
within the walls of the town, three hundred of which are opened for trade, 
while two hundred are reserved as store-houses for merchandise. Sixty of 
the Dookans are occupied by native bankers and shroffs, who find profitable 
employment in meeting the demands of commerce, in exchanging the different 
currencies, or in granting hoondees on Bombay, Calcutta, and on all the 
principal marts in Rajpootana, Malwa, and Goozerat. Ten Dookans are 
occupied by Futtehpooree Muhajuns, who are extensive traders; their 
mercantile dealings extending to the purchase of fine cloths from Saharun- 
pore, Goor and sugar from Bhowanee, and groceries, spices, and produce of 
that kind from Goozerat and Bombay. Traffic in wool, cotton, opium, 
and printed cloths, also falls within their sphere of utility. The remainder 
of the shops are tenanted by traders of different callings and occupations. 
Many of the Muhajuns are engaged as borahs to the zumeendars. 



106 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Before the building of Nya Nuggur, no individual of the Malee caste 
resided in the Mugra. Vegetables were rarely used by the people ; or, when 
required, they were sought from the distant towns of Mussooda, Khurwa, or 
Baeepoor. The addition of this class to our community was extremely 
useful in bringing under cultivation a large tract of land around the town; 
and as they are naturally industrious, each family requiring its own well, 
their industry afforded a good example to the Mairs. Vegetables and 
common fruits are cultivated by them; and on the opening of the new 
bazaar, the people of the cantonment, Amlah, and town were, for the first 
time, supplied on the spot with these necessaries of civilised life. 

Amongst other settlers who sought their fortunes in the new town 
of the Mugra, were several families of Cheepas or calico-printers. Their 
occupation extends to the preparation of chintzes, which form the clothing of 
the women of the country. Handkerchiefs, ruzaees, counterpanes, and floor¬ 
cloths, equal, if not superior, to the workmanship of the artizans of Kunouj 
or Furruckabad, are prepared by them. The water of Nya Nuggur is ex¬ 
tremely pure, and hence the brightness of the colours of the chintzes. Their 
wares are exported to Marwar, Meywar, Tonk, Ajmeer, and are extensively 
used in the Mugra. Great facilities are afforded to this section of the 
community in an ample supply of sweet water; and hence the trade prospers. 

Our colony of blacksmiths is extensive. Their calling embraces the 
fabrication of large iron Deghs, or cauldrons, sometimes weighing forty 
maunds, and capable of holding one hundred maunds of food ; the constructing 
all the smaller iron utensils used in the cooking of food, the manufacture of iron 
frames for common and kettle drums, of Fowrahs, Koodals, Kusees, bridlebits, 
swords, mountings for shields, scissors, razors, needles, and wire of all thickness 
down 'to that adapted for the strings of a Sarungee, and costing three rupees 
the Tola. Extensive exports of iron-ware are made to Marwar, Meywar, 
and Ajmeer. No frames for common or kettle drums are provided within 
a radius of many miles, but by our artificers. Facilities are also enjoyed by 
this branch of trade; charcoal and iron being procurable in abundance, and 
at reasonable rates, from our hills. During the hot season, the Lohars work 
at night, and, when the air is still, the sound of their sledge-hammers is 
heard at the distance of two or more miles. 

The oilmen, or Teilees, drive a profitable trade in oil, which is exported, 
accordingly as the price fluctuates and demand arises, to all the countries 


VARIOUS OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE. 


107 


around. Eighty oil-mills are employed for the expression of the oil during 
eight months of the year. The oil-cake is readily purchased by the zumeendars 
as food for their cattle. During the season of the rains, the Teilees are 
employed in sowing the Khureef crop. Much Buranee land is cultivated by 
this class. Their labours go to swell our income; while grain for their own 
use, and forage calculated to supply their cattle through eight months, are 
provided. The Ghee and oil trade is extensive and profitable, and constitutes 
the sole business of various Muhajuns. 

Sonars * find full occupation in their own immediate calling, in admi¬ 
nistering to the wants of the community, and of the people on the border. 
Experienced workmen are to be found amongst them. Hence people from a 
distance seek their services. 

The duties of braziers are of the ordinary kind. Lotahs, Thalees, 
Hookabottoms, candle-sticks, pandans, Soorahees, and drinking-cups, form the 
staple of their craft. The greater part of their wares is exported. 

The Chooree-wallahs manufacture bracelets of lac and glass, and supply 
the wants of the town and neighbouring country. Wares of this kind are 
of too fragile a nature to bear transportation to any considerable distance. 
Analogous to this craft is the business of the ivory-turners. They prepare 
ivory armlets, which are worn by the females of all families of the higher 
class. Articles similar in form, and turned out of the shell of the cocoa-nut, 
constituting the arm-ornaments of the lower classes, are fabricated by the 
turners. One set of ivory arm-ornaments costs twenty rupees; and as the 
article is exported to all the adjacent towns, this trade is profitable. 

The Koomhars, or potters, constitute a large branch of our community. 
The majority is employed on its own immediate calling, providing the villages 
around with their wares. Capacious jars of earthenware, prepared for 
holding ghee and oil, are here manufactured, and are exported to adjoining 
states. Others of this caste are engaged in calcining lime, in weaving 
Sutrunjees, in fabricating playthings for children, and in following the 
occupation of masons. 

Pugrees, Dhotees, Garrah, Guzzee, cloth, and blankets, are woven by 
Jolahas and Bulahees. Carpenters build rut’hs and hackeries, and make doors, 
door-frames, and boxes for immediate wants, or to supply external calls. 

There are four establishments for making paper within the town. The 


* Goldsmiths. 


108 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


quantity manufactured extends to 1200 maunds annually. The article is of 
a good quality, and, besides supplying the wants of the Ajmeer and Mairwara 
Kuchehries, is purchased readily by traders from Marwar, Meywar, and Ajmeer. 

A new branch of trade has recently sprung up, and promises, if duly 
encouraged, to afford employment to many hands. It has been said that the 
country is pervaded with veins of limestone. Hitherto no leisure had been 
allowed either to ourselves or to masons to search for stone of this kind, pos¬ 
sessing a fine grain, and suited to the chisel. This subject at length received 
attention, and granular limestone, of a moderately fine texture, was found near 
the town. The stone is cut into a form suited for balconies, and is used in the 
construction of religious edifices and for flooring. Cups, plates, and utensils 
for domestic purposes are fabricated from it. Forty stone-cutters find em¬ 
ployment in working the coarse marble, which, independently of home con¬ 
sumption, is sent to Ajmeer, Pohkur, Palee, and to other places around. It is 
not unlikely, as the quarry is deepened, the stone will be found of a closer grain. 

An estimate of the extent of the trade which now exists in our new town 
may be formed from the subjoined tabular abstract, showing the average, for 
the last three years, of the quantity of merchandize which has been imported, 
exported, or has passed in transit through the place. The table has been 
restricted to the twelve principal items of trade : — 





Quantity. 




Ja 

Name of Articles. 





Value. 


Remarks. 

S 

3 

Import. 

Export. 

Transit. 

Total. 




Mds. 

Mds. 

Mds. 

Mds. 

Rs. 


1 

Cotton - 

4,250 

3,725 

20,225 

28,200 

169,200 


2 

Cloth, fine and coarse 

935 

620 

595 

2,150 

134,000 


3 

Iron and Metals 

2,150 

1,525 

875 

4,550 

101,875 


f About 60,000 Bun- 

4 

Salt .... 

5,280 

3,380 

163,340 

172,000 

172,000 

1 

| jara bullocks pass 

1 by the road every 

5 

Goor, sugar, white and red 

7,550 

4,225 

425 

12,200 

122,000 


l_ year. 

6 

Spices of every kind 

9,250 

5,325 

6,325 

5,700 

21,300 

227,500 

184,500 


7 

Grain - 

45,230 

176,570 

290,800 


8 

Ghee - - - - 

2,520 

2,360 

320 

5,200 

7,100 

67,600 


9 

Oil .... 

1,625 

5,150 

325 

28,400 

17,960 


10 

Aul and Sujjee 

2,950 

2,920 

2,250 

7,120 


f" Produce of Mugra, 

11 

Opium - 

120 

410 

60 

590 

132,750 

1 

and exported to 

1 Palee. 

| 12 

Wool ... . 

4,440 

5,160 

570 

10,170 

50,830 


| 




Total - 

1,471,915 

1 

















EXTENT OF COMMERCE. 


109 


The cotton trade has taken firm root, and is extensive. A large portion 
of the produce over and above the consumption of Ajmeer, Marwar, and 
Meywar, is collected at the town, and is exported to Sindh, Mooltan, and 
Shekhawatee. Much business is done with coarse cloths brought from 
Marwar, and freely exported to Meywar. There is a large consumption of 
this article by the calico printers. Salt is brought from Puchbudra and 
Khapra, in Marwar, and is carried on bullocks to the countries to the 
eastward: Meywar, Malwa, Saugor, Nurbuda, and Jubulpore. In seasons of 
drought, the salt is brought on camels to Nya Nuggur, and thence carried 
onward by Bunjaras. Goor and sugar are exported to Meywar. The trade 
in grain is variable in respect to import and export. When a good season 
prevails in Marwar, a bad one will occur in Dhoondhar, Meywar, or Malwa. 
It is a rare occurrence to have a good harvest in all the countries around at 
the same time; but as our produce in grain has become extensive, a market 
for its sale is opened on one or other side of our hills. All articles comprised 
under the general term Kurana, brought from Bombay, supply the wants of 
Ajmeer, Tonk, the western part of Meywar, and Shahpoora. Wool, an article 
of commerce sprung up within the last eight years, is sent to Bombay. 

The town contains ten schools in which Hindee is taught, and two for 
instruction in Persian. The scholars at present are restricted in number, 
only amounting to 118; but in the branch of education we look for further 
improvement, as the force of example extends its influence. There are ten 
munders for the use of those of the Hindoo persuasion, and two musjids for 
the Mahomedans. 

It has been stated above, that in 1835 the district of Mairwara was 
wholly dependent on foreign countries for its supplies; that the cantonment 
of Beawr was destitute of all the necessaries of life beyond the provision of 
Ata, Dal, and coarse cloths. But this state of destitution has yielded to the 
efforts of determination and energy. The tables have now been turned; and 
in place of seeking supplies from distant towns, we have ourselves become the 
source of supply to surrounding countries. In the course of twelve years, 
a town has been built and fortified by a wall two miles in length. A 
population, numbering perhaps nine thousand souls, entire foreigners to the 
country, have come to settle with us; and having built their shops and houses, 
are now sedulously engaged on their own immediate callings. An extensive 
and prosperous trade has arisen and has become cemented by time; while 


110 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Nya Nuggur presents a great variety in its manufactures, and is a sample of 
industry worthy of imitation by our neighbours. 

When the proposition for establishing a small town was first promul¬ 
gated, the plan was received with great distrust on the part of the Mairs. 
They were impressed with an idea that no advantage could accrue to them 
from this measure; on the contrary, their apprehensions were great, that 
where so many of the Muhajun class were being assembled, they could not 
escape from extortion. They had never had the opportunity of appreciating 
the advantages of an open bazaar, and the sentiment they then entertained 
was the result of their experience from the border Borahs, whose dealings 
were extremely extortionate. Our intentions were explained to them; and, 
as employment was opened to them and money was freely spent, distrust 
gave place to confidence. The advantages that have accrued to the neigh¬ 
bouring purgunahs from this arrangement have been far greater than was at 
first anticipated. An extensive bazaar is open to all for the sale of their 
produce, and each article commands a ready sale, and receives an equitable 
price. Again, the bazaars afford the means for supplying the wants of the 
people in all the social relations of life, and at a cost more moderate than 
obtains in any of the surrounding towns. The building of the town has further 
thrown several lakhs of rupees into the hands of the Mairs, whose savings have 
been carefully and advantageously laid out in the improvement of their lands. 
Much capital has further been imparted to the cultivators. Grass, wood, 
forage for cattle, are in daily requisition by the townspeople. The provision 
of these and other wants afford constant employment to many families. 
Hackeries for the conveyance of merchandize to distant marts are in steady 
request. In a word, the location of the town, whether viewed as an example 
of steady application to industrious callings, as affording a ready market for 
the produce or the purchase of all articles of domestic use, as the place from 
which advances are made to the cultivating classes, or as offering wide and 
extended occupation in various ways to the rural community, has proved a 
powerful instrument in advancing the civilisation and prosperity of the 
Mairs, and in accelerating our plans for agricultural improvement. 

The only remaining subject which calls for notice under this head is the 
name given to the town. On first arranging for its establishment, it was 
intended to have called it “ Shuhur Beawr.” It has already been observed 
that the measure of forming a town had given such extensive confidence to 


PLATE 6 


* 



8 

_3 


VIEW OE TTYAVUGGIIR, TAKEN PNOM THE EAST 

Lithographed Ey Shu bh, Elder h. C° Coni'nil, London 














NYA NUGGUR. 


Ill 


u 


the people, that bazaars were rising up in other quarters. In this manner, 
the village of Beawr expanded in population and size, houses of stone 
masonry and a wide bazaar of the like materials superseding the former mud- 
built tenements. Beawr, therefore, had been enlarged into a kusbah, or town. 
The cantonment of the battalion further bore the same appellation, while 
we also had a purgunah bearing that designation. Here then were several 
distinct places known by one name: Kusbah Beawr, Chaonee Beawr, and 
Purgunah Beawr. Shuhur Beawr had no ground to stand on; and as this 
general name, as applied to a diversity of places, was productive of incon¬ 
venience to strangers, it was suggested by the Muhajuns of the place that the 
town be designated 11 Nya Nuggur.” To complete the arrangement, it would 
be desirable that the cantonment should bear the same name. 


112 


CHAPTER XI. 

PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. — FINANCIAL RESULTS. 

It is now proper to trace the progress of rural improvement. In the autumn 
of 1836, a report on the public works, which had been completed under the 
sanction given the previous year, was forwarded for the information of 
government. The benefits which had been derived by us in a pecuniary 
way, were duly set forth. It was further shown how considerable were the 
advantages to the people, in affording them the means for extending culti¬ 
vation, and in imparting to them the ability to earn their livelihood through 
rural labours. The advances that had been made in inducing them into the 
habits of civilised life were duly reported, and solicitation was made for a 
further outlay on works of irrigation. The application was cheerfully 
responded to; and it became the custom, in the autumn of each year, to 
forward the Tank Embankment Reports, and to solicit sanction to further 
expenditure on this account. As far as means allowed, tulaos were constructed 
at places where the outlay would be small in reference to the large returns. 
The intention was to prove to the government that money expended on works 
of this nature, so far from operating as a loss to us, would be returned four¬ 
fold in amount to the treasury; that, independently of a direct pecuniary 
gain, we were increasing the productiveness of the country, and placing it in a 
position fitted to yield a more remunerative return, present and prospective ; 
but above all these considerations was the heartfelt satisfaction that we were 
advancing the morality of the people, and inculcating habits of rural industry 
on the minds of the rising generation. The ruling authorities, no doubt, 
would fully appreciate the motives of philanthropy which influenced our 
actions; still, as a state affair, it was essential to show that in seeking 
pecuniary assistance we were advancing the reputation of the Government, at 
the same time that we were quickly repaying the sums drawn from the 
treasury. A few years’ probation might have been necessary to have satisfied 


PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. 


113 


the Government of these favourable results. At any rate, the pecuniary 
requisitions solicited by the Superintendant during the first few years of his 
administration for public works were necessarily small to what was subse¬ 
quently applied for and granted, when the manifold advantages derived from 
works of irrigation became firmly established. 

The energies of the people were sedulously applied to the improvement 
of their own immediate lands; and as larger works were necessarily restricted 
in reference to the outlay that had been sanctioned, some villages were 
employed in raising their own bunds, on advances made by us. A recourse 
to this measure was indispensable to expedite work and extend the spread of 
cultivation. Where communities were solicitous of following out this plan, 
pecuniary aid was afforded to them. All land improved in productiveness, or 
brought into cultivation through the agency of embankments raised by the 
zumeendars through our assistance, paid the rate of revenue which obtains 
with land long under occupation. The remission that would have accrued to 
them, in the absence of heavy pecuniary advances, went to repay us for our 
temporary loan to the village. In this manner moderate-sized tulaos were 
constructed, conducing to the spread of cultivation, and greatly accelerating 
our plans of amelioration. 

It was a matter of the first importance to keep the people so closely 
employed as husbandmen, as to afford no leisure for predatory excursions. 
Many of the villages, in 1835, were Buranee, or Ek-fuslee: that is, they had 
no rubbee cultivation; while the ripening of the khureef, or rain-crop, was 
entirely dependent on the supply of rain. Allowing the season to be 
auspicious, their crops would be cut in October, and by November the grain 
would be housed. The season of the rains rarely commences until the close 
of June or beginning of July. Here, then, in the absence of employment in 
the tilling and watering of the rubbee, were six full months’ leisure given to 
the people. During that long hiatus in their agricultural labours, much 
mischief might be concocted, which would nullify our arrangements for 
amending their moral character. To obviate this inconvenience, provision 
was made, as opportunity offered, for supplying each village with the means 
for raising the khureef and rubbee. The labour of the husbandman com¬ 
mences on the first fall of rain. He ploughs and sows his land. This 
effected, the Indian-corn and cotton fields have to undergo two or three 
weedings. Jowar and Bajra are cleansed of weeds by ploughing the corn¬ 
ea 


114 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


fields through the furrows. The muka, cotton, or other produce requires 
irrigation from a well, tulao, or naree, during a break in the rains. This 
work gives him occupation until the crops verge towards maturity, when 
they require to be closely watched night and day, to guard against injury 
from birds and wild animals. The land for the rubbee is then prepared. 
Two ploughings, as in the khureef, are insufficient to impart the necessary 
degree of fertility. It must undergo this process six or seven times; the 
greater the comminution of the soil, the larger the return of grain. The 
rubbee is then sown. The khureef harvest is cut and gathered. In the 
mean time, the watering the rubbee calls for his undivided attention; the 
family, wife and children, at that time are employed in husking and housing 
the khureef corn, and in stacking the kurbee reserved as fodder for the cattle. 
The rubbee is cut in March and April, and by the 15th of May it is ready for 
sale, for delivery to the Borah, or to be lodged in pits, there to await a 
favourable market in the return of good prices. The cultivator now has six 
weeks left at his disposal, for making or improving his small field works, and 
for manuring the muka and cotton lands. Cotton is sown early in June, the 
plant receiving two or three waterings before the commencement of the heavy 
rain. Advantage is further taken of any north-wester, or storm accompanied 
with rain, to give the well and tulabee lands one or two ploughings. The 
sand raised by the high winds is arrested in its flight by the unevenness of 
the soil, and thus the furrows are filled by the sand, and fertility is imparted. 
In this manner was the time of the people uninterruptedly engaged in the 
business of agriculture. 

It has been said that many families of the Mairs quitted their hills during 
the famine of 1832, to seek a subsistence in Meywar and Malwa. Some had 
returned, but many still remained in those countries. As our measures for 
amendment progressed, and their intention became palpable, a feeling of con¬ 
fidence was imbibed by the people. The improved state of things was made 
known to the absent families, who at once returned to their homes. In this 
manner the satisfactory intelligence they had received from their brethren of 
the kindness and assistance which were freely bestowed on all the clans, whether 
belonging to the Marwar, Meywar, or Ajmeer portion of the tract, induced 
many hundred families to return to their villages, and resume the cultivation 
of their land. Nor was this all. The fame of our ameliorative measures 
had brought back some families to their native villages after an absence of a 
long period of years/ It will be sufficient to adduce one instance in point. It 


PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. 


115 


occurred at the village of Burar, to which ninety families had returned, after 
the lapse of four generations, to occupy the lands of their progenitors. On 
their arrival it was discovered that no record or tradition existed of the 
identical lands possessed by their forefathers. The difficulty could only be 
overcome by giving them land sufficient for their wants, from that which 
was at the time waste or unoccupied. In speaking of the village of Burar, it 
may not be out of place to notice the marked improvement which was there 
brought about in the course of a few years. On the present Superintendant 
coming into office in 1835, the village numbered seventy families. The land 
had been farmed out to the villagers at an annual rent of 3,568 rupees. This 
Jumma was considered so excessively heavy, that a large portion of the culti¬ 
vators had left the place. The engagement was foregone, and the assessment 
became Kham. A tank embankment was commenced, and the absentees were 
recalled by their friends. Further plans for augmenting the supply of water 
were matured and carried out, and, in the course of a few years, the prosperity 
of the village had been raised to a greater pitch than it had ever before 
attained. The population now consists of 440 families, while the revenue has 
been increased to 8000 rupees. 

The migration of the people to Malwa during the famine of 1832 had 
been attended with one advantage, which was turned to profitable use on their 
return to their hills. In working as labourers in that country, they had been 
employed in the cultivation of the poppy, and became acquainted with the 
process which obtains in the sowing, weeding, and watering of the plant; in 
forming incisions in the capsule for the exusion of the juice, and its collection. 
On their return, some land in the Todgurh district was sown with the poppy, 
and, as profit was reaped by the first adventurers, its cultivation was so widely 
extended, that every village in the more hilly portion of the tract had its 
opium fields. In the course of time, as prosper ty spread in the purgunahs of 
the low lands around Nya Nuggur, and facilities for the increase of agriculture 
extended, the zumeendars of the up-country, or Todgurh Ilaka, gave their 
daughters in marriage to the clans of the Beawr and Saroth purgunahs; and 
in this manner was the knowledge of the treatment of opium cultivation 
imparted, until its culture became general throughout our jurisdiction in the 
Mair Hills. The quantity of opium annually produced amounts in value, on 
an average, to three lakhs of rupees. That produced to the southward is sold 
at Palee; while, in the more northern part of the district, the juice finds a 


116 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


ready sale in Nya Nuggur, where it is manipulated into a marketable form, 
and being packed in chests, is despatched to Bombay. 

As our ameliorative arrangements progressed, the desire on the part of 
the people to benefit their lands became so intense, that we were unable to 
keep pace with the wants of the cultivators as they were made known to us. 
Independently of the Government works, advances to the extent of many 
thousand rupees had been made ; and those solicitous for aid were urged to 
wait until the next year. The people were still importunate for our support. 
Such villages as had not been taken by the hand, were envious of the good 
fortune of those who were having tulaos constructed on their lands. All 
were ambitious of gaining an independence. One instance of the existence 
of this feeling may be adduced. Among others on whom the benefits of 
improvement had not yet fallen, was the village of Soorean. They had 
importuned our assistance in building their tulao. Work had at the 
time become so extensive, and the advances already made had amounted 
to so large a sum, that they were told their wishes should be met during 
the ensuing season. This was unpleasant news to them. But they had 
been prepared for the contingency. A few months after this ultimatum 
had been communicated to them, they requested the Superintendant would 
visit their village; but no reason was assigned. His camp was accordingly 
pitched at Soorean, and, to the surprise of all, it was discovered the people 
had, of their own accord, and with their own means, without intimation 
to us, constructed a serviceable and substantial embankment. Having been 
disappointed of assistance from us, they had mustered funds, by the sale of 
cattle and by the betrothal of their daughters, sufficient to meet the expense 
of its construction. Such earnest devotion at the shrine of improvement 
deserved to be marked by the approbation of the Superintendant. They 
received a present of four hundred rupees, equivalent to half the outlay, and 
were highly satisfied. In this manner were the diligent rewarded, and the 
fame of their unaided assiduity proclaimed through the district, and held up 
as an example worthy of being followed by their clansmen. 

As time and opportunity favoured the measure, arrangements progressed 
for the reclamation of waste lands. The first step was the location of a 
Kehra, or hamlet. Hands having been supplied, the usual adjuncts to a 
village, in wells, narees, stone-dikes, or tulaos, were provided. In the course 
of twelve years, the whole of the jungle wastes have been converted into 


PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. 


117 


fruitful fields, teeming with life and production, and affording food and 
employment to the inmates of 106 new hamlets, which have within that 
period been located on them. 

The difficulties experienced from the absence of the Muhajun class have 
vanished. All the principal, and some of the smaller villages, have been 
provided with Buneahs. Jowaja, Jalea, Kotra, Beawr, Bursawara, Saroth, 
Dewair, and a few other places, possess their bazaars. The village Muhajuns 
obtain their capital from the Sahookars of Nya Nuggur at a low rate of 
interest, and afford loans of money or seed to the zumeendars. The common 
wants of domestic life are also supplied by this class. In the purgunahs of 
Beawr and Saroth, where, a few years since, no Muhajuns resided, we have 
now 314 families. The marriage drum now cheerfully sounds in each village, 
brethren and friends are collected, the feast is partaken of, and gaiety and 
good-will prevail; as if the Buneahs and the Mairs had been fellow-townsmen 
through a period of six generations. The same satisfactory state of society 
exists throughout the Todgurh Tuhseeldaree. 

Before the building of Nya Nuggur, the number of hackeries maintained 
by the cultivators in Purgunah Beawr did not exceed forty. As wealth 
increased, and the demand for their use arose, the number was augmented. 
The setting up of a hackery in any village was received as an undeniable 
evidence of its increasing prosperity. The demand for carts is now so 
extensive, that the number has L increased to 680. They are employed in 
bringing building materials to the towns, villages, and public works; for the 
carriage of wood, grass, and forage for cattle; in conveying goods and 
merchandise to the neighbouring marts; in carting manure and agricultural 
produce, and for the carriage of people on marriage occasions; while a 
profitable trade is driven in the transport of Dhow Bullees cut in the Todgurh 
Hills, and taken for sale to Ajmeer, Nusseerabad, and even as far as Jeypore. 
Thus, as civilisation extended its influence, the greater was the number of 
people employed in administering to its wants. 

A large section of the community having applied their energies to the 
improvement of their condition, it seemed a desirable object to devise some 
plan, by which the mass of the people might be assembled at one spot. It is 
true, on occasions of marriages or funeral obsequies, the friends and relations 
of the clan were collected. They also assembled at the Superintendant’s 
camp, while making his tour through the district. But, on these occasions, 


118 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


the community was restricted to one clan or to one neighbourhood. Our 
desire was to effect a general assembly of all the clans at one place, where 
they might converse freely with each other, and each detail to his neighbour 
the progress of improvement in his own village. By this general and free 
intercourse, the state of each place would be disclosed; and there was a con¬ 
fident hope that the force of example would exert its influence in inspiriting 
the slothful to activity. It was accordingly determined that an annual fair 
should be held in Nya Nuggur on an assigned day, and that all the clans 
should be invited to attend it. They were requested to bring their wives and 
children attired in their best apparel. The next point to decide was to whom 
the fair should be dedicated. Much, too, would depend on the selection of 
the season during which it would be held. The subject having received 
mature deliberation, it was decided the fair should be dedicated to Tejajee, 
and be held in the beginning of the autumn, when the whole country is 
covered with the khureef, our tulaos overflowing with water, and when 
agricultural prosperity is in its zenith. The history of Tejajee is soon told: — 
“ Several hundred years ago, there lived in Marwar a Jat, by name 
Tejajee, in whose wonderful deeds the people place implicit faith. He had 
been early left an orphan, and consigned to the protection of an uncle, who 
procured for him a wife from the family of a Jat of Puneir, in Kishengurh. 
Whilst a boy, the employment of Tejajee was that of herding cattle; and it 
was whilst thus engaged that a strange adventure happened to him, on which 
his future fame was founded. Amongst the cattle which he used to herd was a 
cow, belonging to a Brahmin, who was not pleased to find that, though she gave 
a good quantity of m lk every morning, she had none to yield in the evening. 
Tejajee was called on for an explanation, and, though to him it was as great 
a mystery as to the Brahmin, he set himself to discover it. Accordingly, 
watching the cow in the evening, he observed that she went to a certain part 
of the jungle, where she stood still while the milk-drops fell from her udder. 
On closer examination, Tejajee discovered that it fell into a hole tenanted by a 
snake: whereupon he addressed the animal, saying, that as the cow belonged 
to a Brahmin, he begged that it would cease to put the holy man to incon¬ 
venience by drinking the milk, and engaged that he would supply it every 
evening with as much as was requisite. This agreement pleased the snake, 
who was for a long time carefully tended by his new friend. In the course of 
years the boy grew to manhood, and Tejajee resolved to visit his father-in- 


LEGEND OF TEJAJEE. 


119 


law; but, unfortunately, in the excitement and eagerness of preparing for 
his journey, he neglected the snake, and, without making any arrangement 
for the continuance of its daily allowance, he was just setting off, when 
the incensed reptile appeared before him, reproached him severely for his 
misconduct, and ended by declaring that, in obedience to the immutable 
decrees of fate, and on account of deeds done in a former life, it was necessary 
that he (the snake) should cause Tejajee’s death by biting him. Tejajee 
acknowledged and lamented his forgetfulness, and declared his readiness to 
yield himself up to fate ; but prayed the snake first to permit him to visit his 
father-in-law, when he would return and submit himself to death. The snake, 
after warning him to be careful in keeping this promise, permitted him to 
depart; and Tejajee soon reached the village of Puneir. Here fresh trouble 
awaited him; for his mother-in-law was angry at being visited without 
receiving warning, and time to prepare for the reception of her guest, and she 
refused to admit him. The unfortunate Tejajee must have returned home 
but for the hospitality of an old Goojuree, who took pity on him, and 
entertained him for several days. About this time a band of robbers, 
attacked the village, and drove off all the cattle, some of which belonged to 
his hostess. The latter addressed , her guest, and observed, ironically, that 
she was unfortunate in losing all her property, seeing that such a hero was 
under her roof. Roused by this taunt, Tejajee mounted his horse, and sallied 
forth to the rescue, and soon returned with the herd, which he made over to 
the old woman; desiring her to count them, and see if any were missing. 
She did so, and was loud in her grief, when she discovered that her favourite, 
the beautiful young bullock, which was fit to be yoked to the chariot of the 
Sun, was the only one missing. Tejajee was therefore obliged to return in 
search of it, and once more overtook the robbers ; but the latter seemed to be 
aware of the value of their booty, for they made so stout a defence, that, 
though eventually successful, our hero was desperately wounded. He had 
strength left, however, to return to Puneir with his prize, which he delivered 
to his hostess. He now remembered his promise .to the snake, and, lest he 
should die, and thus be prevented fulfilling it, he set off, and reached his 
home, as may be supposed, quite exhausted. He immediately appeared 
before the snake, whom he thus addressed: — 4 Behold my lamentable 
condition. I am at the point of death ; therefore be quick, and execute your 
intention of biting me, lest I die; but grant me that, for my faithfulness, my 


120 


SKETCH OF MAJRWARA. 


name may be celebrated to future ages.’ The snake heard, and proceeded to 
bite his victim. His consternation, however, was great, on finding that there 
was no portion of Tejajee’s body on which he could inflict the wound; he had 
been so dreadfully cut up by the robbers. In this dilemma, Tejajee put out 
his tongue, which the snake, much pleased to get over the difficulty, bit; and 
promised the dying hero that, in future ages, whoever should be bitten by a 
snake and taken timely to the temple of Tejajee, should recover. The effigies 
of the saint is represented by a warrior mounted on a horse sculptured in stone, 
placed erect on a Chubootra, the snake being in the act of biting his tongue.” 

Tejajee is respected by Jats, Goojurs, and other classes of zumeendars of 
the Hindoo persuasion, and an annual fair is held on Bhadoon Soodi 10th 
(end of August and beginning of September) in his commemoration by the 
above-named classes. The Mairs and Mairats had no acquaintance with the 
Saint; but this circumstance was considered of little import, seeing the 
congregating of the people was the main point of our solicitude. We could 
hit upon no better device; so Tejajee was accordingly enrolled in the service 
of the community. Intimation was in due course given to the neighbouring 
towns and villages, that the fair would be held on the day assigned. Our 
invitation was cheerfully responded to in all respects. The fair was 
numerously attended by the people decked out in their best attire, and 
accompanied by their minstrels. Clans, kept apart by the feuds of ages, now 
met on one neutral spot, and greeted each other. Opportunity was then 
afforded for forming a judgment as to the industry or sloth of particular 
sections. The dress of the assiduous shone conspicuous; while shame, and 
a firm determination to amend, characterised those whose appearance was 
shabby. The females of the industrious classes were extremely well-dressed. 
Seated on the flat roofs of the bazaars in clusters, or moving about the fair, 
they more resembled the wives of wealthy Sahookars in appearance and attire, 
than the matrons and daughters of the wild predatory race of Mairs. By 
this simple expedient of holding a fair, were the people of two purgunahs 
gathered together at one spot; the condition of each village, indeed of each 
separate family, was freely imparted to each other; the sedulous had their 
reward in self-approbation, in having made so good an appearance, and then 
returned home confirmed in their habits of thrift. The wives of the slothful 
were the only sufferers amidst the gay and happy multitude. Plunder and 
robbery were interdicted; and the only certain road to independence was 


PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. 


121 


application to labour. Their lords and masters were importuned to improve 
their condition, and thus example had been highly beneficial. Much good 
feeling had thus been generated amongst the people ; while all returned home 
intent on amendment. The “ Tejajee ka mela” is maintained with regularity, 
some eight or ten thousand Mairs and Mairats attending it. It is further 
frequented by the border Thakoors of Ajmeer, Meywar, and Marwar, and by 
others enticed there by pleasure or business. 

It has been observed that one hundred and six new kehrahs, or hamlets, 
had been located on the waste jungle lands during the last twelve years. In 
other respects the people had been equally diligent, as is shown in the 
increase of 3915 wells and 2065 narees within that period. In the con¬ 
struction of all new works, the people, independently of receiving tools free 
of expense, and tukkavee advance, repaid during four or six harvests, 
enjoyed extensive remissions of rent. Thus the land attached to a new pucca 
well, paid one-sixth of the produce during the first year of its construction, 
one-fifth during the second, and one-fourth during the third and fourth years. 
After that period the assessment was made at the established rate of one-third 
of the produce from zumeendars, and one-fourth from puteils. Narees 
partook of partial exemption, according to the sums expended. Such culti¬ 
vators as preferred an immediate advantage to a prospective gain, had a 
portion or all the advances remitted; the land improved, at once paying the 
full rate of revenue. In all measures of amendment, it has been our study to 
make rural toil pleasant and remunerative. The stone dike walls that have 
been built throughout the tract are too numerous to be detailed. In the 
immediate vicinity of Todgurh, land is restricted to the small vallies which 
intervene between ranges of hills,—the quantity is extremely limited; while 
there the population is extensive. To increase the produce, fields have been 
made by throwing stone dike walls across the rocky vallies or ravines, and 
supplying them with earth, of sufficient depth to sustain the growth of corn, 
from the nearest available spot. All work is done by the hand, seeing that 
cattle and carriages cannot be used among the rugged precipices; and hence 
the labour is enhanced. This work being continued along the valley or ravine, 
a series of fields is formed, and the rain is impeded in its descent by the stone 
walls, whereby moisture is retained and fertility imparted. Should the 
means of the cultivator admit of it, his new field is provided with a well sunk 
entirely in the rock, and thus himself and family are secure against drought, 


122 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


unless the season be one of extreme virulence. In this manner have one 
hundred and twelve beegahs of productive land been made, at an expense 
varying from 100 to 250 rupees per beegah, in the village of Bursawara, 
during the last twelve years. The same plan has been carried out in other 
villages in that neighbourhood. Such unexampled industry deserved some 
substantial mark of our favour. Some villages received presents in money 
equivalent to the rent of five or six years. Others had a perpetual remission 
of one share, the owners paying one-fourth of the produce in place of one-third. 

It is not to be supposed the Superintendant, however active and vigilant, 
could attend in person and examine closely all the separate works that were 
being constructed throughout the tract. This duty immediately devolved 
on the Purgunah officers. The Tuhseeldar was instructed to give every 
encouragement to the people to increase the produce of the land, through 
pecuniary advances, the assistance of tools, and in partial remissions of rent 
on improved lands. Peshkars in charge of clusters of villages, and Chu- 
prassees posted in single villages, were taught to use all fair means to win the 
people over to habits of diligence. The Superintendant made one general 
tour through the district in the cold weather, visiting each village and 
inspecting each work as far as was practicable. All the villagers were duly 
assembled at his tent, and each told the state of his circumstances, or made 
known his wants, as pleasure prompted him. Each individual had the 
opportunity of stating his grievances, had any existed. Thus, oppression on 
the part of the native officers and public establishment was guarded against. 
Independently of the annual tour, his presence was continually required at 
one or other part of the district. He thus became intimately acquainted 
with the mass of the people, relieved their wants, and assisted all in bettering 
their position. It is, however, just to say, that this satisfactory state of 
things was mainly brought about by the assiduity and conciliatory measures 
of the native officers, severally in charge of sections of the district. The 
smartest officers were selected for separate charges, and all deserving of this 
favourable notice were rewarded. Eeturns of the increase of ploughs, families, 
wells, narees, and stone dikes, were yearly forwarded from each Tuhseeldaree; 
and the most zealous and active native officers received a pecuniary donation, 
an increase of pay, or promotion, according to the merits of each. The usual 
course of intimating the approbation of the authorities towards their sub¬ 
ordinates is by giving them a purwanah, expressive of these sentiments. 


PROGRESS OF RURAL IMPROVEMENTS. 


123 


Our work, however, was too heavy, too unremitting, and of too anxious a 
nature to he requited by the simple announcement of satisfaction on the part 
of the ruler. Good service received substantial acknowledgment in pecuniary 
donations or promotion. The slothful and inactive amongst the establishment 
received a recommendation to return to their homes. A more active, 
intelligent, hardworking body of native officers than those employed in 
Mairwara may not be found in other districts. During twelve years of 
uninterrupted exertion, their sole, thought has been to increase the agri¬ 
cultural capabilities and amend the condition of the people. This untiring 
application of their energies and services to usefulness deserves some per¬ 
manent mark of favour. The pay of all the district officers is extremely 
small, in reference to what is enjoyed in similar situations in other zillahs. 
All cannot look for reward ; but an increase of salary to the Tuhseeldars and 
elder Peshkars, while it would form an insignificant item in our annual 
expenditure, would be received as a recognition of their zealous services, at 
the same time that the act would be generous as it was just. Our income, 
too, has been so greatly increased in amount through their energetic services 
as fully to sanction the measure. 

It has been said, the prosperity of the district wholly depended on the 
provision of water by embanking up the main watercourses, which drain the 
country during the season of the rains. From year to year, as sanction was 
accorded, works of irrigation were constructed. During twelve years of 
steady application, the extent of the work done and the benefit conferred on 
the tract, are far greater than the most sanguine anticipated, at the time 
general and systematic improvement was contemplated. It would require 
too much space and time to detail all the works, or even to notice many, 
which from their magnitude and great utility are worthy of minute 
delineation. Some of the embankments personally inspected by the Honour¬ 
able the Lieutenant-Governor, North-Western provinces, in his tour through 
Mairwara in the close of 1846, will, at his request, be fully described. Nor 
can the difficulties which from time to time presented themselves in the 
construction of the works, arising from heavy floods, carelessness of the work¬ 
people or cultivators, and from innumerable contingencies known only to those 
conversant with embanking, be explained in a sentence. It is sufficient to 
say that until the earthern bund had completely settled down into one 
compact mass, and the masonry had become set, each work commanded some 


124 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


share of the solicitude of the Superintendaut. The extent of the works and 
their usefulness may, perhaps, best be shown by giving a tabular statement of 
our embankments, noticing the quantity of land submerged by the water on 
the tulaos being filled to the overflowing point, with the duty, in the way 
of irrigation, performed by each. Some of the weirs, or smaller tulaos, are 
intended to supply wells to their rear with springs. 


List of Tank Embankments constructed in Mairwara. 


Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Water 
in the Bed of 
Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 







Local 

Local 

Local 










Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




1 



Anakur 

- 

- 

60 


40 

.— 

40 

14-578 


2 



Andhee Deoree 

. 

_ 

70 


50 

150 

200 

72-892 


3 



Ateelmund, 1st 

- 

- 

120 


110 

300 

410 

149-429 


4 



Do., 2d 

. 

. 

40 


40 

40 

80 

29-157 


5 



Beawr Kalka - 

_ 

. 

125 


125 

100 

225 

82-004 


6 



Bichkoo Chaora 

- 

- 

100 


100 

70 

170 

' 61-958 


7 



Bussaee 

. 

. 

50 


50 

75 

125 

45-557 


8 



Bhynsapa 

- 

- 

45 


45 

50 

95 

34-623 


9 



Barea Himta Weir 

_ 

50 


30 

25 

55 

20-045 


10 



Beechurlee - 

- 

_ 

250 


200 

25 

225 

82-004 


11 



Bulad - 

-* 

- 

400 


300 

300 

600 

218-677 


12 

s 


Burkhala 

. 

- 

80 


80 

70 

150 

54-669 


13 

c3 

u 

c3 


Burkorach Weir 

- 

- 

10 


10 

— 

10 

3-644 


14 

£ 


Baelan, 1st - 

- 

- 

55 


55 

250 

305 

111-161 


15 

S-< 

c3 

Jh 

Barea Bhaoo Baiora 

- 

125 


50 

60 

110 

40-090 


16 

S 


Bhooreah Kehra Chota, 1st 

60 


60 

30 

90 

32-801 


17 

c3 

pq 

Do., 


2d 

50 


50 

10 

60 

21-867 


18 

<v 

a 


Cheela Bur a, 1st 

- 

- 

40 


40 

60 

100 

36-446 


19 

a* 


Do, 2d 

- 

- 

100 


30 

200 

230 

83-826 


20 



Do., Weir 

. 

- 

20 


20 

10 

30 

10-933 


21 



Choura Neemree 

. 

_ 

25 


15 

50 

65 

23-690 


22 



Deokehra 

- 

- 

40 


35 

10 

45 

16-400 


23 



Dhochla 

- 

_ 

200 


200 

100 

300 

109-338 


24 



Dewatan 

- 

- 

400 


400 

500 

900 

328-016 


25 



Dilwara 

- 

- 

1000 


650 

1300 

1950 

710-702 


26 



Doorgawas - 

- 

- 

150 


150 

50 

200 

72-892 


27 



Dhola Danta - 

- 

- 

350 


325 

150 

475 

173-119 


28 



Dowlutpoora - 

- 

- 

100 


90 

50 

140 

51-024 


29 



Dowlutgurh Baolee Shera 

125 


125 

100 

225 

82-004 


30 



Dadola - 

- 

. 

60 


60 

15 

75 

27-334 


31 



Futtehgurh - 

- 

- 

100 


100 

150 

25Q 

91-115 


















LIST OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


125 







U 

Ci_ 

ta ® 

"1j '3* 

H 'o 









> "G . 

^ o> c n 

> G . 

•B S “ 

Total Cultivation. 


S 

cc 

G 

P 

Names of Embankments. 


^ pq 
° S 

X u M 

P Ph g 

o cs 

3fis 

o ^ "rt 



Remarks. 






r - H 

» J2 H 

« r. H 




£ 


G 

Ph 



0) 4 ~' 
u G 

O..G 

CO 

“O rG 

G ^ 
a ^ 

Hi- 5 

§ a 

Hl ,r " 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 







Local 

Local 

Local 









Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

685 

249-657 


32 



Goliana- 

- 

260 

85 

600 


33 



Gobindpoora Gora Chhora 

50 

70 

50 

120 

43-735 


34 



Hutan Kehra 

- 

60 

20 

50 

70 

25 512 


35 



Johur Kehra - 

- 

220 

200 

100 

300 

109-338 


36 



Jethgurh 

- 

50 

50 

25 

75 

27-334 


37 



Juwaja - 

- 

600 

400 

600 

1000 

364-462 


38 



Jalea, 2d - 

- 

250 

200 

200 

400 

145-785 


39 



Do., Purwurish - 

- 

500 

370 

800 

1170 

426-421 


40 



Kharabala 

. 

110 

70 

200 

270 

98-404 


41 



Kulalea, 1st - 

- 

120 

5 

150 

155 

56-491 


42 



Do., 2d - 

_ 

50 

10 

20 

30 

10-933 


43 



Do., 3d - 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


44 



Kaleekankur - 

- 

500 

500 

700 

1200 

437-355 


45 



Kurlan - 

- 

30 

30 

10 

40 

14-578 


46 



Kehra Dund Motean 

- 

50 

50 

15 

65 

23-690 


47 



Kharra Kehra 

- 

125 

70 

100 

170 

61-958 


48 



Kabra - 

- 

500 

160 

400 

560 

204-099 


49 



Kesurpoora - 

- 

50 

50 

25 

75 

27-334 


50 



Kalawas 

- 

250 

230 

200 

430? 

156-719 


51 



Koosulpoora - 

- 

60 

60 

15 

75 

27-334 


52 

c3 

u 


Khimee Kehra 

- 

50 

50 

80 

130 

47-380 


53 

c3 

£ 

£ 

Kalinjur 

- 

1200 

300 

800 

1100 

400-909 


54 


Kaladura 

- 

40 

30 

50 

80 

29-157 


55 


cS 

CD 

Kehra Dantee 

- 

40 

20 

10 

30 

10-933 


56 


w 

Kotra Booreila 

- 

60 

60 

30 

90 

32-801 


57 

<D 

a 


Do. Sareila 

- 

25 

25 

10 

35 

12-756 


58 


Lakeena 

- 

125 

100 

85 

185 

67-425 


59 

<1 


Loosanee, 2d - 

- 

600 

450 

300 

750 

273-347 


60 



Lotana - 

- 

300 

150 

100 

250 

9M15 


61 



Myrean 

- 

50 

50 

25 

75 

27-334 


62 



Malnaee 

- 

70 

25 

80 

105 

38-268 


63 



Mandawas 

- 

40 

50 

25 

75 

27-334 


64 



Nurbudea Kehra - 

- 

200 

175 

300 

475 

173-119 


65 



Nahurpoora - 

- 

40 

40 

15 

55 

20-045 


66 



Naee Bura Puwarea 

- 

50 

50 

50 

100 

36-446 


67 



Noondree Maldeo - 

- 

50 

50 

70 

120 

43-735 


68 



Nya Kehra - 

- 

20 

20 

30 

50 

18-223 


69 



Pakhurea, 1st 

- 

50 

40 

100 

140 

51-024 


70 



Do., 2d 

- 

60 

60 

50 

110 

40-090 


71 



Pooneira 

- 

75 

50 

30 

80 

29-157 


72 



Rehman Kehra 1st 

. 

30 

30 

10 

40 

14-578 


73 



Do., 2d 

- 

70 

70 

25 

95 

34-623 


74 



Roopnuggur - 

- 

100 

100 

125 

225 

82-004 


75 



Rutunpoora - 

- 

60 

60 

35 

95 

34-623 


76 



Do. Jeitha - 

- 

50 

50 

30 

80 

29-157 


77 



Ramawas 

- 

70 

70 

100 

170 

61-958 



































126 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Walter 

in the Bed of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 







Local 

Local 

Local 










Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




78 



Rohera Kehra 

- 

- 

130 

130 


100 

230 

83-826 


79 



Rahtan Kehra 

- 

- 

60 

60 


120 

180 

65-603 


80 



Kam Kehra - 

- 

- 

40 

40 


15 

55 

20-045 


81 



Rampoora, 1st 

- 

- 

25 

25 


15 

40 

14-578 


82 



Ramsur Mahola 

- 

- 

40 

25 


50 

75 

27-334 


83 



Roopana Weir 

- 

- 

70 

20 


80 

100 

36-446 


84 



Surgong 

- 

- 

500 

270 


— 

270 

98-404 


85 



Surmalean 

- 

. 

150 

150 


50 

200 

72-892 


86 



Soorujpoora Nahurpoora- 

50 

50 


50 

100 

36-446 


87 



Do. Lotana 

- 

250 

250 


150 

400 

145-785 


88 



Surbeena 

- 

- 

60 

30 


300 

330 

120-272 


89 



Shahpoora, 1st 

- 

- 

25 

25 


150 

175 

63-780 


90 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

60 

60 


40 

100 

36-446 


91 



Sunwa - 

- 

- 

70 

70 


25 

95 

34-623 


92 

§ 


Singarea 

- 

- 

70 

70 


100 

170 

61-958 


93 

* 


Seidurea 

- 

- 

100 

85 


225 

310 

112-983 


94 

3 


Sheopoora 

- 

- 

50 

50 


— 

50 

18-223 


95 

s 

£ 

c3 

Seimla - 

- 

- 

25 

25 


— 

25 

9-111 


96 

u 

d) 

pq 

Surkuna 

- 

- 

25 

25 


10 

35 

12-756 


97 

£ 


Sohawa, 1st - 

- 

• 

60 

60 


80 

140 

51-024 


98 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

100 

90 


60 

150 

54-669 


99 



Soorean, 1st - 

- 

- 

25 

25 


40 

65 

23-690 


100 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

60 

50 


200 

250 

91-115 


101 



Do., 3d - 

- 

- 

25 

25 


— 

25 

9-111 


102 



Do., 4th - 

- 

- 

100 

70 


50 

120 

43-735 


103 



Sangurwas 

- 

- 

30 

15 


— 

15 

5-466 


104 



Tikrana Meindratan 

- 

150 

150 


100 

250 

91-115 


105 



Do. Goojuran 

- 

- 

40 

40 


20 

60 

21-867 


106 



Thakoorwas - 

- 

- 

40 

40 


15 

55 s 

20-045 


107 



Thooneethag - 

- 

- 

40 

40 


15 

55 

20-045 


108 



Thoreon kee Gudhee 

- 

100 

150 


100 

250 

91-115 


109 



Taragurh, 1st 

- 

- 

40 

40 


10 

50 

18-223 


110 



Do., 2d- 

- 

- 

50 

50 


100 

150 

54-669 


111 



Do., 3d - 

- 

- 

15 

15 


— 

15 

5-466 





Total 

- 

14,455 

10,780 

13,395 

24,175 

8810-830 


1 



Bhugwanpoora 

. 


80 

, 


100 

100 

36-446 


2 

u 


Bunjaree Weir 

- 

- 

10 

15 


15 

30 

10-933 


3 

* 


Bunjaree 

- 

- 

150 

20 


200 

220 

80-181 


4 

3 

§ 

Bamunhera - 

- 

. 

60 

20 


125 

145 

52-847 


5 

a 

<D 

Bagmal - 

- 

- 

20 

15 


50 

65 

23-690 


6 

Sh 

CP 

.is 

Do. Weir 

- 

- 

120 

20 


100 

120 

43-735 


7 

a 

P-1 

Burakhun Weir 

- 

- 

80 

5 


150 

155 

56-491 


8 



Bursawara 

- 

- 

20 

_ 


20 

20 

7-289 


9 



Do. Weir 

- 

- 

20 

3 


10 

13 

4-738 











































LIST OF TANK EMBANKMENTS 


127 


Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 






Local 

Local 

Local 



j 






Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




10 



Churpulan 

- 

20 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 


11 



Dewul - 

- 

110 

25 

50 

75 

27-334 


12 



Do. Weir - 

- 

25 

10 

10 

20 

7-289 


13 



Dhola Danta - 

- 

25 

— 

40 

40 

14-578 


14 



Futtehpoor - 

- 

20 

7 

— 

7 

2-551 


15 



Guneshpoora Weir - 

- 

110 

25 

80 

105 

38-268 


16 



Googola Weir 

- 

110 

30 

150 

180 

65-603 


17 

, 


J uspalan 

- 

40 

40 

— 

40 

14-578 


18 

cS 


Do. Weir 

- 

20 

25 


25 

9-111 


19 

fe; 


Kehra Sathojee Weir 

- 

10 

10 

20 

30 

10-933 


20 

pH 

s 

d 

03 

Khormal 

- 

80 

70 

_ 

70 

25-512 


21 

s 

d 

Kehra Bur a, 1st 

- 

30 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 


22 

' ?H 

<D 


Do., 2d 

- 

60 

40 

100 

140 

51-024 


23 

a> 

a 

MH 

Do., 3d 

- 

110 

110 

— 

110 

40-090 


24 



Do., 4th 

- 

60 

20 

50 

70 

25-512 


25 



Myrean Boojareil - 

- 

80 

10 

50 

60 

21-867 


26 



Muwasa 

- 

30 

10 

40 

50 

18-223 


27 



Palree, 1st - 

- 

30 

5 

50 

55 

20-045 


28 



Do., 2d - 

- 

10 

10 

-- 

10 

3-644 


29 



Do., 3d 

- 

10 

— 

10 

10 

3-644 


30 



Roopnugur, 1st 

- 

70 

3 

100 

103 

37-539 


31 



Do., 2d 

- 

150 

60 

175 

235 

85-648 





Total 

- 

1770 

668 

1695 

2363 

861-209 


1 



Jak, 1st 


100 

70 

. 

70 

25-512 


2 



Do. Sameta - 

- 

125 

100 

300 

400 

145-785 


3 



Do. Mahleereil 

- 

70 

70 

175 

245 

89-293 


4 



Do. Bahurleereil - 

- 

60 

60 

20 

80 

29-157 


5 



Do. Golea 

- 

20 

15 

40 

55 

20-045 


6 

03 

Sh 

rd 

Do. Dund 

- 

15 

60 

10 

70 

25-512 


7 


?H 

P 

Kheta kehra - 

- 

15 

10 

15 

25 

9-111 


8 

Ph 

• rH 

b£) 

d 

Kanakehra, 1st 

- 

100 

75 

70 

145 

52-847 


9 

S 

P 

o3 

Do. Ukhaka Bar 

- 

150 

125 

200 

325 

118-450 


10 

Fh 

Q} 

pP 

Kesurpoora - 

- 

40 

40 

25 

65 

23-690 


11 

CD 


Loolooa Weir 

- 

30 

30 

50 

80 

29-157 


12 

p 

•£? 


Do. Goorana 

- 

150 

130 

300 

430 

156-719 


13 



Shamgurh, 1st 

- 

50 

50 

150 

200 

72-892 


14 



Do. Juwasea 

- 

70 

70 

40 

110 

40-090 


15 



Do. Kankurla 

- 

100 

100 

— 

100 

36-446 


16 



Do. Toorkela 

- 

30 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 





Total 

- 

1125 

1035 

1395 

2430 

885-639 















































128 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

• Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 






Local 

Local 

Local 









Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




1 



Bar Umurpoora, 1 st 

- 

100 

100 

100 

200 

72-892 


2 



Do., 2d 

- 

10 

10 

150 

160 

58-314 


3 



Do., 3d 

- 

30 

30 

100 

130 

47-380 


4 



Boorwah, 1st - 

- 

30 

30 

30 

60 

21-867 


5 



Do., 2d - 

- 

40 

40 

60 

100 

36-446 


6 



Do., 3d - 

- 

30 

10 

5 

15 

5-466 


7 



Do., 4th - 

- 

20 

20 

20 

40 

14-578 


8 



Badnee, 1st - 

- 

40 

12 

— 

12 

4-373 


9 



Do., 2d 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7*289 


10 



Bhopalgurh - 

- 

5 

5 

25 

30 

10-933 


11 



Bhyroonkehra 

- 

500 

200 

40 

240 

87-471 


12 



Beeleawas 

- 

30 

30 

15 

45 

16-400 


13 



Beeleawas Weir 

- 

25 

25 

— 

25 

9-111 


14 



Doongur Kelira 

- 

35 

30 

150 

180 

65-603 


15 



Deo Kehra, 1st 

- 

70 

70 

80 

150 

54-669 


16 



Do., 2d 

- 

20 

15 

15 

30 

10-933 


17 



Do., 3d 

- 

30 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 


18 

C3 


Futtah Kehra, 1st - 

- 

50 

50 

30 

80 

29-157 


19 

c3 

te 


Do., 2d - 

- 

20 

30 

15 

45 

16-400 


20 

Sh 

• 

Huttoon, 1st - 

- 

125 

100 

50 

150 

54-669 


21 

Jg 

»-C3 

o 

Do. Ranela 

- 

40 

40 

— 

40 

14-578 


22 


c3 

Jetha Kehra - 

- 

40 

20 

25 

45 

16-400 


23 

c3 

te 

C/2 

Jethgurh Mansagor 

- 

300 

250 

500 

750 

273-347 


24 



Do. Selotan - 

- 

275 

275 

200 

475 

173-119 


25 



J ethpoora 

- 

50 

30 

80 

110 

40-090 


26 



Juswuntpoora, 1st - 

- 

20 

— 

20 

20 

7-289 


27 



Do. Heera ka 


70 

70 

100 

170 

6F958 


28 



J eynugur 

- 

60 

60 

130 

190 

69-247 


29 



Kehree ka Kehra - 

- 

200 

100 

175 

275 

100-227 


30 



Do. Burla 

- 

60 

60 

100 

160 

58-314 


31 



Mananugla 

- 

130 

80 

20 

100 

36-446 


32 



Oomurbaolee - 

- 

60 

— 

60 

60 

21-867 


33 



Rampoora 

- 

40 

40 

50 

90 

32-801 


34 



Rajoor, 1st 

- 

100 

35 

100 

135 

49-202 


35 



Do., 2d - 

- 

60 

60 

50 

110 

40-090 


36 



Suwajna Chynpoora 

- 

50 

40 

100 

140 

51-024 


37 



Sheopoora 

- 

40 

20 

60 

80 

29-157 


38 



Shekhawas 

- 

100 

100 

70 

170 

61-958 


39 



Saroth, 1st 

- 

50 

50 

30 

80 

29-157 


40 



Do., 2d 

- 

15 

15 

22 

37 

13-485 


41 



Do. Weir- 

- 

150 

15 

100 

115 

41-913 


42 



Ukheygurh - 

- 

100 

50 

5 

55 

20-045 


1 



Total 

- 

3240 

2267 

2882 

5149 

1876-598 































LIST OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


129 


1 

Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purganahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 







Local 

Local 

Local 










Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




1 



Amner Weir, 1st 

- 

- 

50 

— 

20 

20 

7-289 


2 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

20 

10 

10 

20 

7-289 


3 



Bullee, 1st 

- 

- 

50 

20 

40 

60 

21-867 


4 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

70 

10 

20 

30 

10-933 


5 



Buggar - 

- 

- 

300 

100 

200 

300 

109-338 


6 



Burar, 1st 

- 

- 

200 

60 

250 

310 

112-983 


7 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

.300 

200 

50 

250 

9M15 


8 



Do., 3d 

- 

- 

70 

10 

50 

60 

21-867 


9 



Do., 4th 

- 

- 

5 

_ 

100 

100 

36-446 


10 



Do., 5th 

- 

- 

70 

60 

— 

60 

21-867 


11 



Do. Weir, 1st 

- 

- 

200 

100 

200 

300 

109-338 


12 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

200 

30 

50 

80 

29-157 


13 



Chhupola 

- 

- 

20 

5 

12 

17 

6-195 


14 



Chetan 

- 

- 

80 

50 

5 

55 

20-045 


15 



Duerean 

- 

- 

20 

10 

50 

60 

21-867 


16 



Dhotee, 1st - 

- 

- 

80 

80 

— 

80 

29-157 


17 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

80 

80 

100 

180 

65-603 


18 



Goodha Lakha 

- 

- 

15 

15 

— 

15 

5-466 


19 



Ghata, 1 st 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


20 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

30 

25 

20 

45 

16-400 


21 

5 


Goodha Mota 

- 

- 

20 

5 

— 

5 

1-822 


22 

£ 


Kesurpoora - 

- 

- 

100 

60 

— 

60 

21-867 


23 

*3 

rC 

U 

Kaladeh, 1st - 

- 

- 

100 

60 

60 

120 

43-735 


24 


3 

to 

Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

7 

5 

— 

5 

1-822 


25 

£ 

13 

O 

Kaletra 

- 

- 

250 

80 

100 

180 

65-603 


26 

£ 

H 

Kaharee 

- 

- 

60 

60 

10 

70 

25-512 


27 

o> 


Kachublee 

- 

- 

140 

— 

200 

200 

72-892 


28 

§ 


Kookra, 1st - 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


29 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

30 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 


30 



Do., 3d - 

- 

- 

10 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 


31 



Do., 4th - 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


32 



Do., 5th - 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


33 



Kookur Kehra 

- 

- 

80 

5 

100 

105 

38-268 


34 



Mundlan Bheem 

- 

- 

300 

200 

500 

700 

255-123 


35 



Do. Mota 

- 

- 

115 

20 

140 

160 

58-314 


36 



Do. Doougaiee 

- 

50 

— 

— 

— 

— 


37 



Do., Weir 

- 

- 

30 

20 

40 

60 

21-867 


38 



Moondawur, 1st 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


39 



Do. 2d 

- 

- 

120 

50 

50 

100 

36-446 


40 



Nanoee, 1st - 

- 

- 

100 

100 

— 

100 

36-446 


41 



Do., 2d - 

- 

- 

120 

20 

125 

145 

52-847 


42 



Do., Weir 

- 

- 

20 

— 

10 

10 

3-644 


43 



Nudawut 

- 

- 

40 

15 

60 

75 

27-334 


44 



Do. Weir 

- 

- 

5 

5 

10 

15 

5-466 


45 



Palree, 1 st 

- 

- 

80 

60 

50 

110 

40-090 


46 



Do., 2d 

- 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


47 



Theekurwas Bura 

- 

- 

10 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 



s 
























130 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 







U 

■73 c+h 

ns . 









CD c*. 

+2 O 

0) b 

0} 

-A O 




u 

a> 

v> 

C/5 

43 

d 



d w 
> -d . 

r* (i> vi 

d +-> 

> A . 
'S o » 

> 

Total Cultivation. 


si 

£ 

d 

r* 

d 

A 

3 

fcfl 

Names of Embankments. 


^ pp 

° s 

2 

Cl,. S 

m 

nS J+ M 

3 ^ § 

H PP -a 

« CUr2 



Remarks. 

£ 

>—i 

pi! 



A ~ 

A c 
hP-S 

^•5 h 
§ a 

A- 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 







Local 

Local 

Local 







Theekurwas Chota- 


Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




48 

G§ 


- 

"0 

70 

— 

70 

25-512 


49 

c3 


Tibana 

- 

80 

30 

100 

130 

47-380 


50 


^3 

Toksee 

- 

40 

20 

80 

100 

36-446 


51 

C3 


Teetree, 1st - 

- 

50 

50 

_ 

50 

18-223 


52 

bD 

n3 

Do., 2d - 

- 

70 

10 

20 

30 

10-933 


53 

c5 

£ 

o 

H 

Ukheyjeetgurh, 1st 

- 

120 

20 

200 

220 

80-181 


54 



Do., 2d - 

- 

20 

15 

20 

35 

12-756 



§ 


Total 

- 

4,217 

2,015 

3,052 

5,067 

1,846-706 


1 



Bansawaree - 


20 

20 

_ 

20 

7*289 


2 



Birjal - 

- 

20 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


3 



Do. Weir - 

- 

150 

— 

120 

120 

43-735 


4 



Chhapulean Weir - 

- 

200 

— 

50 

50 

18-223 


5 



Do., 1st 

- 

30 

30 

— 

30 

10-933 


6 



Do., 2d 

- 

50 

20 

20 

40 

14-578 


7 



Do., 3d 

- 

150 

— 

100 

100 

36-446 


8 



Do., 4th 

- 

40 

40 

— 

40 

14-578 


9 

cS 


Do., 5th 

- 

40 

— 

— 

— 

— 


10 

c3 


Do., 6th 

- 

7 

— 

— 

-- 

— 


11 

C 


Dewair, 1st - 

- 

40 

20 

20 

40 

14-578 


12 

13 

§ 

s 

& 

CD 

Do., 2d 

Do., 3d - 

“ 

20 

20 

20 

15 

20 

15 

7-289 

5-466 


14 

c3 

A 

Goodha Kesha 

- 

20 

2 

5 

7 

2-551 


15 

P* 


Do. Bhyra 

- 

20 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 


16 

g 


Do. Mota 

- 

20 

5 

— 

5 

1-822 


17 



Do. Chat - 

- 

10 

10 

5 

15 

5-466 


18 



Kalagooman, 1st 

- 

50 

5 

25 

30 

10-933 


19 



Do., 2d 

- 

10 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 


20 



Do., 3d 

- 

20 

20 

_ 

20 

7-289 


21 



Do., 4th - 

- 

10 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 


22 



Do., 5th - 

Kehra Jussa - 

- 

10 

10 

— 

10 

3-644 


23 



- 

10 

7 

— 

7 

2-551 


24 



Munkeawas - 

- 

20 

20 

10 

30 

10-933 





Total 

- 

987 

279 

370 

649 

236525 


1 

c3 

U 


Chittar - 

• 

10 

10 

25 

35 

12-756 


2 

c3 

£ 


Kulalea 

- 

75 

75 

125 

200 

72-892 


3 


fcj) 

Meinkela 

- 

70 

70 

40 

110 

40-090 


4 

c3 

S 

c 

c3 

Umurpoora - 

- 

15 

15 

20 

35 

12-756 



cS 

£ 

f—1 

Q 










C$ 

§ 


Total 

- 

170 

170 

210 

380 

138-494 




















































LIST OE TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


131 


Number. 

Ilakas. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Embankments. 

Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Front of 

Tanks. 

Lands cultivated 

in the Rear of 

Tanks. 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 

In Local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 






Local 

Local 

Local 









Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 

Beegahs. 




1 

eg 


Bugree - 

- 

30 

— 

— 

— 

— 


2 

eg 

eg 

Do. Weir - 

- 

60 

— 

20 

20 

7*289 


3 

Jh 

a 

eg 

Kot, 1st 

- 

80 

12 

80 

92 

33-530 


4 

eg 

Sh 

2 

Do., 2d - 

- 

20 

10 

10 

20 

7-289 


5 


H—1 

i 

Kurama 


60 

30 

-- 

30 

10-933 


6 

eg 

> 

O 

Do. Weir 

- 

60 

20 

— 

20 

7-289 


7 

U 


Seerma Sumeil, 1st 

- 

150 

60 

100 

160 

58-314 


8 

a 


Do., 2d - 

- 

125 

125 

— 

125 

45-557 





Total 

- 

585 

257 

210 

467 

170-201 



Abstract. 




2 

a o 

a» 7? 

1 's 




No. of Tank 
Embank¬ 
ments. 

Names of Embankments. 

^ '■d . 

^ <d Yi 

PQ r* 

o ^ a 

r— a) d 

^3 H 

a> 

m 

.5 a . 

o Yi 

75 r U ^ 

P Clj 

.& S3 • 

4= A ^ 

S* fl 

Total Cultivation. 

Remarks. 


c ^ 

c3 c 

i-l •” 

-G ^ 

T3 +■> 

C ^ 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In Acres. 


158 

120 

12 

Ajmeer Mairwara 

Meywar Mairwara - 
Marwar Mairwara - 

Local 

Beegahs. 

17,350 

8,444 

755 

Local 

Beegahs. 

12,483 

4,561 

427 

Local 

Beegahs. 

16.485 

6,304 

420 

28,968 

10,865 

847 

10,557-678 

3,959-829 

308-695 


290 

Total 

26,549 

17,471 

23,209 

40,680 

14,826-202 



N. B. The Mairwara Beegah is equal to 1764 square yards. 


Exclusively of the above works, there are twenty-three weirs constructed 
on the different nuddees or nullahs traversing the Beawr Purgunah, and all 
contributing, according to their respective means, to the spread of cultivation. 

This statement shows the great extent of the works at a glance. We 
have a total of 290 embankments, submerging 26,549 beegahs of land with 
water, and affording the ability for maintaining 40,680 beegahs of cultivation, 
to be sown with Indian corn, cotton, barley, wheat, or opium. Of these 
embankments, those of Dilwara and Kalinjur were constructed many years 
ago; but they were not turned to account for agricultural purposes until 

s 2 



















































132 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


after the subjugation of the tract in 1820-21. A third tulao, Surgong, is a 
natural reservoir, which has been converted to a profitable use within the 
last few years. There were, further, seven embankments made or repaired 
by Colonel Hall, C. B. The remainder is the growth of the last twelve years. 
Having shown the means which have been provided for facilitating the 
operations of agriculture through the larger works of irrigation, the other 
appliances we now possess may be noticed. The following abstract denotes 
our ability in 1835-36, as compared with the means at our command in 
1846-47: — 


Years. 

Wells. 

Ploughs. 

Narees. 

Estimated Population. 

Total in 1835-36 ----- 

2233 

2712 

_ 

39,648 

Total in 1846-47 . 

6148 

9691 

2065 

100,282 

Increase during the twelve years 

3915 

6979 

2065 

60,634 


Thus, as far as human agency avails, every precautionary measure has 
been taken to provide water for the ripening of the khureef, as well as 
rubbee. It is true that, during seasons of light rain, only a portion of the 
tanks are filled to the overflowing point. But light rains, at seasonable 
intervals, are preferable to heavy falls with a long interval of cessation. 
Could we arrange the seasons, we should wish a few heavy falls at the 
commencement of the season, to fill the tulaos and saturate the soil. After 
the tanks have once been filled, occasional light showers would be sufficient 
to bring forward the khureef crops until the first week in September, when a 
few heavy falls, to replace the expenditure from the tulaos during the rains 
and mature the standing crops, would insure both khureef and rubbee. In 
the large tulaos, allowing the season to be good, much water remains over 
until the ensuing year. In that case, the bed of the tulao continues unsown ; 
the extent of cultivation to the rear of the bund being proportionably 
greater. In seasons of drought, luxuriant crops are raised in the beds of the 
tanks. In this manner, whether the rain be moderately light or very heavy, 
provision is made for one or other crop. In the former instance, the greatest 
return is from the khureef. In the latter, the khureef crops are rotted from 
excessive rain or moisture, while the extent of the rubbee is proportionably 
great. We have, in truth, except in instances of extreme calamities, rare 
in occurrence, and happily wide apart, succeeded in fortifying the country 









UTILITY OF EMBANKMENTS DEMONSTRATED. 


133 


against the miseries inseparable from famine. Daring the last thirteen years, 
the seasons have been varied in complexion. We have experienced drought 
and excessive rain; yet prosperity has steadily progressed. In 1840, the 
commencement of the rainy season was extremely inauspicious; no rain fell 
until the first week of September. All were filled with apprehension of 
famine. The support of the people during the expected calamitous season 
had even formed the subject of consideration by the government. Early in 
September, we were blessed with several copious falls of rain. Our tanks 
and smaller reservoirs were filled to the overflowing point, and thus, in the 
brief period of two days, all fears of drought were happily dispelled, and 
confidence was completely restored. Though late in the season, Til and Bajra 
were sown; but the energies of the people were mainly directed to the 
rubbee, which was as extensive as it proved remunerative to the cultivators. 
In such states around us as were unprovided with tulaos, the rain had flowed 
off the land; the only advantage that had accrued being a partial saturation 
of the soil. To us the benefit was extensive and permanent. The rain had 
been checked in its descent from the hills, and was preserved in reservoirs, to 
be used at our pleasure in the irrigation of the rubbee. The great utility of 
works of this nature was most unequivocally demonstrated on that occasion. 
In place of having a deficiency in our revenue returns, or losing a large 
portion of our population through want, a great increase on the previous year 
was shown ; while our population acquired an increase in the kinsmen of the 
Mairs from the borders, who were suffering from the absence of tulaos. 
During the last twelve or thirteen years, no single cultivator has left his 
village in consequence of the inauspiciousness of the seasons. We are taught, 
in the Artillery, never to forsake our guns, for the last discharges may be the 
most successful, and may prove our salvation. In like manner, experience 
has taught the zumeendars never to quit their villages; for, when prospects 
are almost altogether devoid of improvement, and hope is exhausted, a fall of 
rain may be vouchsafed, their tulaos filled to the brim, and prosperity restored, 
as was instanced in September 1840. In this manner, our works of irrigation, 
independently of contributing large returns of revenue, bind the people to 
their native soil, distrain them from irregularities against the peace of the 
country, and confirm them in habits of industry and obedience. 

The remissions allowed to new villages and agricultural works have 
already received notice. Our fiscal arrangements are equally simple; one- 


134 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


third of the produce of the land is taken, as the Government rent, from all 
classes, except Puteils, who pay one-fourth by appraisement, called Kun-koot. 
On the crops ripening, they are assessed by one of the Peshkars, attended by 
the Puteil and Putwaree of the village, and the cultivator. Many people of 
the village under assessment are also present. It is then decided that the 
quantity of grain in the fields, averages so many maunds per beegah. The 
business is conducted with much fairness ; but should the cultivator consider 
the assessment too heavy, he appeals to the Superintendant, when the 
Tuhseeldar is directed to inspect the field, and report his opinion on the state 
of the case. Should he still remain unsatisfied, a few Biswahs of the standing 
crop are cut, and the grain separated from the chaff, and weighed. This 
remedy solves the question. It is a rare occurrence to find the field over¬ 
rated, after making an equitable deduction in the weight of the cut corn, for 
moisture. The particulars of the field, its measurement and assumed produce, 
are then entered by the Peshkar in the “ Khusra ” or Field-book, to be again 
referred to on the Jummabundee of the village being made. Muka, Juwar, 
Bajra, Til, Moth, and leguminous produce, are assessed by Kun-koot. 
Cotton, sugar-cane, opium, tobacco, red pepper, and vegetables bear a fixed 
rate per beegah, varying in amount from 2 rs. 8 as. to 3 rs. 4 as. per beegah. On 
the conclusion of the Kun-koot, Nirikhs, or prices current, are taken from all 
the neighbouring towns, when the average price is struck. This is settled by 
the elders of the purgunah collected at the Tuhseel; and having tendered 
their razeenameh, the Nirikh of the produce is sanctioned by the Super¬ 
intendant. This effected, the Jummabundee is commenced on. The Khusrahs 
are referred to, and the accounts of each village and of each cultivator are 
then prepared, and made over to the Putwaree. The revenue is then paid by 
the zumeendar, or by his Borah, to the Putwaree, who lodges it in the 
treasury. No demur nor delay takes place in its payment. In six or seven 
weeks after the conclusion of the Jummabundee, the revenue is paid up in 
full. In this manner, during the administration of the present Superintendant, 
every fraction of revenue has been collected. Tukkavee advances, accordingly, 
as instalments fall due, are paid up at the same time that the revenue is 
collected. The system of Kun-koot, if carried through with perfect fidelity 
on the part of the Government officers, is, perhaps, the most equitable mode 
of assessment that could be adopted; particularly in a tract of country like 
Mairwara, where the seasons are so unequal, and the produce so variable in 


MODE OF ASSESSING THE REVENUE. 


135 


quantity. During the progress of Kun-koot, a vigilant supervision is 
indispensably called for by the Tuhseeldar, to see that the Government 
interests are not neglected, nor extortion practised on the cultivator. It 
would be equally unfair to withhold any portion of our rights, as it would be 
unjust to over-tax the cultivator. The greatest attention is paid to the 
complaints of the people on the score of over-assessment; and remission is 
always accorded where reasonable grounds for observing this course exist. 
It is always to be borne in mind, that, until conquered by us, the Mairs paid 
no revenue; and as we have ourselves taught them habits of rural industry 
and obedience, it is incumbent on us to give them a patient hearing, and treat 
them with consideration and conciliation. During the last two years, we have 
been preparing them for a fixed settlement, by assigning a fixed rate per 
beegah for Muka, wheat, and barley. During the present year, a further 
advance has been made, by farming out each village to its own cultivators. 
This was effected when the khureef crop was verging on maturity, and when 
the prospects of the rubbee, so far as referred to the extent of cultivation, were 
apparent. It is expected, through these preparatory measures, the people will 
be in a fit state to accept a fixed settlement free of apprehension. As far as 
human precautions avail, ample arrangements have been made for the growth 
of cultivation. The only contingencies against which all forethought and 
preventive measures are wholly unavailing, are visitations by frost, hail, 
locusts, and blight. The injury done by frost is frequent and extensive. A 
greater degree of intense cold is experienced in the small vallies of the hills 
than obtains in higher latitudes. Hail and blight are less rare; yet, during 
the present season, we are suffering extensive losses alike from frost and 
blight. Against distressing visitations of this kind we have no appeal; and 
we must bear with resignation vicissitudes of nature, which cannot be averted 
by the hand of man. 

Before proceeding to a minute detail of some of the embankments, it may 
be interesting to notice the result of our labours in a financial point of view. 
With respect to the tulaos, the particular enumeration of the progressive 
advance in each village would occupy too much time and space. It will be 
sufficient for the purpose to notice the revenue of each division of the district 
during 1835-36, as compared with the Jumma of 1846-47 ; at the same time 
exhibiting the sums which have been expended on our works of irrigation : — 


Statement showing the Total Revenue op Ajmeer, Met war, and Marwar Mairwara, from 1835-36 to 1846-47, and 

the Increase in 11 Years beyond the Jumma of 1835-36. 


SKETCH 


OF MAIRWARA. 


136 



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SUMS EXPENDED IN IRRIGATION. 


137 


The above statements show, that, during the last eleven years, the sums 
expended on works of irrigation amount to 241,112 Rs. 7 As. Ilf Pze.; 
while during that period the excess of revenue beyond the Jumma of the 
first year of the present incumbent’s superintendence in 1835-36, is 
641,234 Rs. 5 As. 6 J Pie. After reimbursing ourselves for the outlay on 
public works, there is a surplus gain of 400,121775. 13 As. 6fPiri This 
large amount is our gain in a pecuniary point of view. As far as affects 
the moral improvement of the people, the advantages are beyond calculation. 


T 


138 


CHAPTER XII. 

FORMATION OF TANK EMBANKMENTS DESCRIBED. 

The term tank, as applied in Europe, is restricted to a small reservoir for 
retaining liquids, formed of wood, masonry, or of metal, and is much used on 
board ship and in large manufactories. In Bengal, excavations made in the 
ground, of a rectangular form, and covering a few beegahs of land, filled by 
the rain or through filtration, are designated by this appellation. They are 
principally for ornament; but when faced with masonry, and provided with 
descending steps, they are used for bathing and other domestic purposes. In 
Rajpootana, the name denotes an artificial lake or large spread of water, 
formed by embanking up a stream with earth or masonry, or with both 
combined, for purposes of irrigation, or to serve as a fountain-head to the 
springs of wells. The word tank is unknown to the natives of the country. 
By them it is designated Tulao, or Tulab. The great distinction between the 
smaller reservoirs of Bengal and the larger artificial works of this nature in 
this part of the country is, that the former are sunk below the level or 
terre-plein of the soil by forming excavations, while here the water is retained 
by a bund, or embankment, and spreads over and above the surface of the 
land. To admit of the’construction of a Tulao, it is indispensably necessary 
that the face of the country should possess an irregular, uneven surface, 
traversed by hollows and corresponding elevations. The bund is thrown 
across the low ground, whereby the water is obstructed in its passage, and 
being collected into a body, it constitutes a tank or tulao. Hilly countries 
are peculiarly well-suited for works of this kind; while their presence is the 
more necessary, since the rain-water, unless impeded in its descent, imme¬ 
diately flows off to the lower lands without penetrating into the soil, or 
imparting moisture sufficient for the support of cultivation. Their con¬ 
struction in such positions is generally attended with local facilities in the 
provision of stone and lime required for the walls of masonry, and in offering 


FORMATION OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


139 


an abundant supply of wood for calcining lime. Land, at a distance from 
the hills, whose surface is broken into gentle undulations, is also adapted for 
embankment works. It being desired to form a tulao on a plain possessing 
such gentle undulations, having alternately a rise and corresponding hollow 
or valley, the nuddee, or nullah, which drains the country during the 
prevalence of the rains, is in the first instance sought. By including the 
watercourse within the tulao, a supply of water is provided for. The 
largeness of the area of the land drained by the nullah is a subject of the first 
importance, since on the supply of water depend the size and extent of the 
work. If it be in contemplation to construct a large work, calculated to 
irrigate several hundred beegahs of cultivation, the area over which the 
nullah, or feeder, exercises its influence, should cover several square miles. 
On the provision of a full and ample supply of water depends the success of our 
operations. In a country, therefore, like Rajpootana, where the seasons are 
extremely unequal, it is desirable to have a superabundant supply; the only 
precautionary arrangement necessary in that case being to leave a larger 
escape for the spare water, in order that the embankment may not be injured 
or overtopped by floods during heavy or continued rain. The arrangement 
for the provision of water being deemed full and satisfactory, the next point 
for consideration is the selection of a site for the bund. In making this 
choice, practice much facilitates the operation. An experienced eye will at 
once decide on the local advantages of position. The first consideration is to 
reduce the length of the bund to be thrown across the hollow to the shortest 
measurement; for the larger the embankment, the greater the outlay. In 
this decision, attention must be given that the ground which is to form the 
bed of the tulao is nearly level, or that it has a very gentle fall towards the 
intended bund. "Were the ground to have a great slope, the expansive 
capacity of the bed would be restricted. To make it more capacious, the 
embankment must receive a considerable elevation. If, therefore, the 
smallest span across the hollow or valley gives a limited space for the bed, it 
would be proper to seek some other spot, affording a greater expanse for the 
water, with an increased length of bund. The nature of the soil on which 
the foundation is to be sunk is to be taken into account. Loose sand should, 
if practicable, be avoided; for it may be requisite to dig eight or ten feet 
feet before firm ground or rock be found. In some instances this 
inconvenience, when confined to the nuddees and nullahs, is not to be 


140 


SKETCH OF M AIR WAR A. 


obviated. The foundation must then be sunk ten, twelve, or fifteen feet in 
depth, until firm ground, rock, or water be reached, when the excavation is 
filled in with lime masonry, forming a massive wall, sufficiently substantial to 
support the superstructure. On some occasions, the income of water is so 
great, that, notwithstanding external appliances for its extraction, the depth 
of the foundation cannot be carried beyond ten or fifteen feet, while the soil 
below is sand. The course observed in such instances is, to partition off a 
few yards of the trench or foundation by a wall of clay or mud mixed with 
straw, and then to apply ten or twenty men to bale out the water. When 
the trench cannot be further deepened, stones and unslaked lime are thrown 
into it promiscuously, care being taken there is an ample share of lime. 

The stone and mortar settle down into one mass. This operation is 
continued until the trench is filled with masonry up to the water mark. A 
line of arches is then built on this broad foundation. The centering of each 
arch is formed of solid masonry; and when the work has been carried out as 
far as may be necessary, the arches are built over the centerings. Thus the 
superstructure is supported by a series of solid arches, while they rest on a 
massive wall of lime masonry. In case the foundation should sink, it is 
probable it would descend as a mass; but should the sinking be partial, the 
arches would be found useful in binding the fabric into one mass. Rock on 
the surface is the best foundation, at the same time that it is the cheapest. 
The proximity of stone and lime to the proposed site is a matter of 
importance. Positions, in other respects good, sometimes become useless from 
the difficulty attending the provision of materials. The most favourable 
features for the construction of a tulao may thus be enumerated: a broad 
expanse of land to the front of the proposed bund, to form its bed. It 
should be nearly level, having a slight inclination towards the embankment; 
the land to the rear to be of greater extent than the bed, and slightly lower 
in its level, in order that every portion of it be irrigated through masonry 
sluices constructed in the bund, and communicating with earthen drains 
leading to each field; a nuddee or nullah providing an ample supply of water 
to the tank; a rocky foundation at a small depth from the surface; water 
procurable from the bed of the nuddee, or from a well, for the use of the work 
and work-people; stone and stone-lime, or kunkur, with wood or cow-dung 
to calcine it, within a reasonable distance of the scene of work. It rarely 
happens that all these advantages are offered at one locality. Good land may 


FORMATION OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


141 


be available in front and rear, with stone near at hand, while lime and water 
for the works have to be brought from a long distance. In different 
situations some of the necessaries are available, while others are only- 
procurable at enhanced prices. Again, the land may be extensive, but the 
feeders insufficient to fill the tulao ; thereby involving the necessity for 
throwing other streams into it, by cutting water channels, and making 
incisions through intervening high ground or rocks. Different localities 
possess widely different features. The main consideration in the formation 
of a tulao is to provide water for the irrigation of the land to its rear. A 
careful survey of the proposed site should be made, by taking the levels of 
the intended bund and of the land to its front and rear. It will then be 
ascertained what elevation of bund will be necessary for submerging the bed. 
The area of the bed will thus be found, and an opinion as to its irrigative 
powers formed, in reference to the depth and expanse of the water. The 
expense of the work is then to be contrasted with the probable return. The 
work may be found competent to irrigate several hundred beegahs of land to 
the rear of the bund. Much luxuriant cultivation will be produced in its bed 
on the withdrawal of the water in the course of irrigation. It requires 
neither manure nor water, since all the decayed vegetation washed down into 
the bed from over the area of land drained by the feeders contributes much 
to the fertility of the soil, while the moisture retained in the bed is ample to 
ripen the crops. These are the direct advantages. Indirectly, the retention 
of large bodies of water is extremely useful in providing sustenance to wells. 
The water filtrates through the soil, filling all cavities and interstices in the 
ground through which it permeates, ultimately forming springs. Amongst 
the hills, the selection of sites for tulaos is far less difficult than on the plain. 
Small openings or gorges are found in abundance, only requiring the con¬ 
struction of a barrier wall of masonry to close the water course, when a tulao 
is at once formed. It is of less consequence that the bed of the tank should 
be expansive, or be suited for the purposes of cultivation. A great depth of 
water is the best recommendation, with facilities for carrying it through 
sluices and drains to the cultivation in the rear. 

There are five varieties of tulaos in Ajmeer and Mairwara, the dis¬ 
tinctive features of each of which it may be proper briefly to notice. 

The cheapest and most simple kind is that which is formed entirely by 
an earthen embankment. It can only be constructed where the soil is 


142 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


extremely tenacious, and the country very level, affording a wide spread of 
water with a depth not exceeding three or four feet. The bank towards the 
front should have a low angle of elevation, presenting a long slope, and 
should be planted with grass or small shrubs to protect it from the action of 
the water in motion. In works of this kind, the expense is limited to the 
throwing up of the earthen embankment and to the provision of a few sluices 
of lime masonry. The few works we possess of this nature are small. They 
are not adapted to our hilly, stony country ; but might be extensively used 
where the land is flat and the soil essentially clayey. 

The next variety of tulao is that formed of an earthen embankment, 
defended by a front dry stone wall of masonry. Walls of dry stone are 
useful in protecting the earthen bund from the action of the water, and may 
be profitably used in hilly countries where stone is to be had near the spot, 
and of schistose or slaty formation. Walls having a thickness of one yard at 
the base may be raised to a height of six feet by two in breadth. Ledges of 
four inches being left between each layer of a foot and a half in depth, in 
order that the pressure of the wall may not incline outside. Dry stone walls 
having a breadth at the base of one and a half or two yards, may be raised to 
an elevation of twelve feet. It would be imprudent to carry them higher, 
unless they are strengthened by a sloping bank of earth towards the bed of 
the tank. The greater portion of the smaller works raised by the cultivators 
are of this nature. To give greater strength to a work, it is provided with a 
dry stone wall to the rear as well as to the front, the intermediate space 
being filled by earth well beaten down. The sluices and outfalls for the 
escape of the spare water must be of lime masonry. 

A third kind of tulao is that constructed similarly to the one just 
described, with exception that the front wall is of lime masonry. In the 
Ramsur Purgunah, in Ajmeer, the face of the country is extremely level, and, 
as a consequence, the embankments are of great length, many of them 
extending to 3000 yards. Had the soil been tenacious, our purpose would 
have been answered by an earthen bund. It is, however, extremely saline 
and wanting in adhesiveness; and to save the embankments from yearly 
decrease by being washed down by the water of the tank, it has become 
necessary to protect the water face by a retaining wall of lime masonry, three 
feet broad at the base and two at the top, with an elevation, according to 
local circumstances, extending from six to twelve feet. Sluices ajid outfalls 


FORMATION OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


143 


are duly provided. Many of our smaller works in Mairwara, where the 
pressure of the water is moderate and no great depth is desired, are con¬ 
structed according to this mode. The embankment in the vicinity of the 
nullah, where the greatest depth obtains, has a rear retaining wall of lime or 
dry stone masonry, accordingly as circumstances require. Works of this 
nature, having an earthen embankment with a front wall of lime masonry, if 
carefully looked after, require little repair when the earth has settled down 
into one mass. 

The fourth and most efficient kind of embankment is that employed to 
obstruct the passage of a nuddee and retain its waters. It must be strong 
and stable in proportion to the pressure it has to sustain. Works of this 
kind consist of a front wall of lime masonry, its breadth and elevation being 
dependent on local circumstances, strengthened by massive bastions of the 
same materials placed at convenient intervals. The bastions break the force 
of the waves, while they impart considerable strength to the whole fabric. 
The front wall of masonry is supported by a broad earthen embankment, 
which is secured to its rear by a retaining wall of dry stone or lime masonry, 
through the whole or a portion of its length, as occasion may call for. The 
work is provided with sluices according to its means, and the requirements of 
irrigation, and, to complete the work, it is furnished with an escape or outfall 
sufficiently extensive to carry off a body of spare water equal in bulk to that 
discharged by the nuddee before its course was arrested. Some of our most 
beautiful mountain lakes are formed by bunds constructed on this plan. 
They have been thrown across a gorge in a range of hills, or over a valley, 
filling up the gap left open by nature for the passage of the waters; and by 
the simple expedient of interposing this barrier, a body of water is retained 
sufficient to support an extensive spread of cultivation. 

The fifth kind of tulao is as simple in its construction as it is useful and 
efficient. It consists of a wall of lime masonry provided with sluices, but 
having no earthen embankment. Works of this kind are extensively used in 
the more hilly part of the district, where the breadth of the valley to be 
closed, or gorge in the hills to be stopped up, does not exceed one hundred 
yards in length. The wall is thick in proportion to the elevation to which it 
is to be raised. It is provided with as many sluices as may be required, built 
in the thickness of the masonry ; the apertures, or openings towards the water, 
being defended by a hollow bastion supplied with spiral stairs from within, 


144 


SKETCH OF MAIKWARA. 


for communication with the mouths of the sluice. Apertures are left in the 
external face of the bastion for the passage of the water. These bastions, 
independently of adding to the strength of the work, keep the apertures 
of the sluice free from grass, wood, or other obstructions. The water beyond 
the means of retention runs over the superior surface of the bund of masonry. 
The work here used is essentially a stupendous weir. When once the 
masonry has become set and well cemented together, no apprehension is 
to be entertained from excessive floods; for the mountain torrent, after the 
water has risen to a level with the upper portion of the weir, passes over 
the masonry as free as if no impediment had been offered to it. The work, 
too, if constructed with good materials, requires little or no repair. 

Similar in form, but smaller in size, to the last-mentioned works, are 
the numerous smaller weirs of masonry, which have been thrown across the 
nuddees in rear of the large tulaos. All works, more or less, leak directly 
through the embankment, or indirectly by filtration through the soil. The 
water which thus oozes out naturally seeks the bed of the nuddee or nullah, 
as being the lowest spot. To retain and turn to profitable use this wastage, 
weirs of masonry have been thrown across the natural watercourses, whereby 
the water is raised in the nuddee or nullah, and, if the ground be pretty 
level, it continues over the distance of from half to three quarters of a mile. 
During the rainy season, they are filled by the rain; the excess of water 
making its escape over the superior surface of the weir. In constructing 
works of this kind, particular care must be taken to continue both ends of the 
weir some distance within the banks of the stream, to prevent the flanks being 
turned, and a new course on one or other side being made for the stream. 
By having a series of weirs constructed on a nuddee which from place to 
place has been embanked, a canal, as it were, is maintained from the rear 
of one tulao to the front of the water of that in its rear; and by continuing 
this arrangement from tank to tank, a continuous supply of water is ensured 
through a distance of several miles. Weirs of this kind may be constructed 
at the cost of one pucca well, from two to six hundred rupees, according 
to length, elevation, and position. These canals are extremely useful for 
supplying numerous wells sunk by the banks of the nuddee, and communi¬ 
cating with it by a small cut. In this manner, through the agency of tulaos 
and weirs thrown across nuddees, a sheet of cultivation, varying in breadth 
according to the irregularities of the ground, is carried from Saroth to the 


FORMATION OF TANK EMBANKMENTS. 


145 


Marwar town of Sumeil, a distance of about twenty-six miles. A few years 
ago, with exception to a few patches of well cultivation here and there, the 
land in the vicinity of the course of the nuddee was a jungle waste. In some 
instances, weirs are directly supplied with water through the sluices of the 
tulaos, in order to feed wells dependent on them. Weirs of this kind thrown 
across nuddees have a thickness of masonry of three or four yards at the base. 
The masonry is carried up of equal breadth to one or one and a half yards above 
the bed, when the front portion of the wall is raised to the required height, 
three or four yards above the bed, its breadth being one half of that of the 
base, i. e. one and a half or two yards. The remaining half is built so as to 
form a continued slope from the top to the basement. The water of the 
nuddee passes over the superior surface of the weir, and descends down the 
slope to the bed, which is paved with dry stone firmly laid edgeways, to give 
security to the masonry, and prevent the foundation from being undermined. 

One or two Mootsuddees, with several Chuprassees, are intrusted with the 
building of each work. The number of public servants depends on the extent 
of the work. The quota in ordinary cases is restricted to one Mootsuddee, 
and two or three Chuprassees. Their business extends to the preparation 
and collection of the materials, and to the raising of the work, according to 
the plans and instructions furnished to the Mootsuddee. Daily accounts of 
the workmen employed, whether masons, labourers, watermen, boys, or 
women, embracing their names and rates of wages, are prepared and sent 
daily to the Superintendant. This account further denotes the quantity of 
stone and lime that may have been measured, and the extent of work 
performed. The Tuhseeldar constantly visits and superintends the works 
under construction in his own purgunah. He, or his Peshkars, see to the 
measurement of stone, lime, or other materials taken from contractors. The 
daily account, which notices the measurement of materials, is attested by the 
signature of this officer. Stone is generally contracted for. Some of the 
villagers engage to work the quarry at an assigned number of cubic yards for 
the rupee. Others cart the stone to the tulao at a regulated rate. Lime is 
contracted for at a certain sum the hundred maunds, delivered at the works. 
Generally speaking, we burn our own lime, when wood, cow-dung, or kunkur 
are provided by cultivators. Earth is always thrown up on contract by 
Beldars, who, making rectangular excavations, varying in depth from two 
to four feet in the bed of the tulao, have the earth carried on asses or 


146 


SKETCH OF M AIR WAR A. 


male buffaloes at an assigned price tbe hundred cubic yards. The raising of 
the masonry is in our own hands. On no account is it contracted for. Upon 
the goodness of the masonry depends the stability of the work. On every 
fifteenth day, or twice a month, a collective account of the wages of the 
workmen, materials expended, and work executed, is forwarded to the 
Superintendant. This document is compared with the daily accounts, and, 
when passed, the amount is sent for distribution to the workpeople by the 
Tuhseeldar, or by one of his Peshkars. Thus the Persian accountant has 
nothing to say to the distribution of wages, or to any pecuniary disbursement 
on account of the work. He is restricted to his bare pay, with the prospect 
of a pecuniary donation and continued employment, should his zeal and 
activity warrant the measure. The same rule applies to the Chuprassees. 
Contractors receive orders on the treasury for advances, or in payment of 
their dues, and realise them in person. Independently of the Tuhseeldars, a 
native officer of acknowledged probity has the general superintendence of the 
works. He proceeds from time to time from one tulao to another, arranges 
for the provision of materials, corrects any deviation on the part of the public 
servants in carrying out the instructions of the Superintendant; he looks 
to the good execution of the work, superficially examines the accounts, and 
arranges for all matters referring to their internal economy. The system of 
check, which has been established to guard against fraud and cheating on the 
part of the public establishment, is efficient. All have been taught to look 
for rewards in place of petty pilfering, which would insure the culprit’s 
imprisonment, at the same time that all his future prospects would be injured. 
Honesty may exist from the inability to err. Our chief reliance is on the 
integrity of the Tuhseeldars, through whom all disbursement of wages are 
made. Care is further taken that the public servants at one work may 
be of different castes, in order to avoid collusion. Upon the whole, the 
measures taken to prevent the misappropriation of the public money are as 
effective as they are satisfactory. During the last twelve years, many 
thousands of workmen have been employed in Ajmeer and Mairwara, over 
a stretch of country one hundred and fifty miles in length. Each individual 
has received his dues in full, dustooree money being strictly prohibited; nor, 
during this long period, has any complaint been preferred against the public 
servants for defrauding the labourers out of their earnings. This punctual 
attention to the payment of wages in full has been attended with its reward. 





plate 



SECTION tinny AB. 



Lithographed by Smith,Llder 8, (’ CorrMl London. 
































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































KABEA TANK EMBANKMENT. 


147 


Our reputation for fair dealing is so completely established, the people repose 
such complete confidence on our word, while they are treated with such 
kindness and consideration, that abundance of workmen, either to take up 
contracts, or to work as labourers, flock to us whenever it is known their 
services are required. The comparative cheapness of our works will be made 
apparent on referring to the rates of pucca masonry, as will be shown 
hereafter. That they should be so reasonable may be attributed to the 
strictness of discipline which prevails, and which ensures full payment either 
for labour or for materials, while misappropriation of funds cannot exist to 
any extent, unless the whole of the public officers, superior as well as inferior, 
be corrupt. 

The above preliminary observations may have served, in some degree, to 
assist the judgment in forming a pretty correct notion of the mode adopted 
in the construction of a tank embankment, and of showing the utility of these 
works. This judgment may further be improved by an inspection of the 
plans, sections, and elevations of some of the principal tulaos, accompanied 
by detailed descriptions of the component parts of each work. It will 
therefore be desirable to proceed at once to describe the works selected for 
this purpose by the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor, North-Western 
Provinces, while making his tour through the districts of Ajmeer and 
Mairwara in November and December, 1846. 


KABEA TANK EMBANKMENT. 

Plate No. 7. gives representations of the plan, section, and elevation of the 
work. A B shows the bund or embankment blocking up the gorge left open 
by nature in the line of hills for the passage of the rain-water. Towards 
the water-line is the wall of masonry, having three bastions, with two 
flights of steps leading down to the water. The wall of masonry is supported 
by an earthen embankment, the upper level portion of which represents 
the terre-plein of the bund. D denotes the nuddee, or watercourse, which 
has been closed up; whereby the water, collecting in one mass, constitutes 
the tulao. The section through AB shows the thickness of the masonry 
and earth. The escape, C, has been cut through the hill. It has a wall of 
masonry towards the water-face perforated with apertures for sluices, through 
which the water is conducted to drains made of earth, by the cultivators 


u ‘2 


148 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


leading to their several fields. The excess of water after the filling of the 
tnlao passes over the summit of the masonry wall, and flows off to fill 
weirs and tulaos constructed to its rear. A second opening, or outfall, is 
made in the opposite hill, as is shown in the Survey Map No. 8. The 
elevation gives the appearance of the masonry wall as seen from the bed 
of tulao when it is dry. The Survey Map No. 8. affords an intelligible 
view of the bund, water, and country around. Wells have been sunk in 
those positions where the cultivated land was too elevated to be irrigated 
by the sluices. They communicate by small cuts with the bed or sluices, 
and the water is extracted by the Persian wheel, worked by a pair of bullocks. 
Sections through the Kucha drains made of earth are shown. The references 
on the plan give a full explanation of the particulars to which they refer. 
The dotted lines drawn across the tulao exhibit the positions taken up in its 
survey. It has thus been shown that the collection of a large body of water 
has been effected by throwing a barrier across the gorge in the hills, by which 
their continuity is preserved, and the progress of the stream is effectually 
obstructed. The expedient is simple as it is efficacious. 

The basin drained by the Kabra nuddee, at the place embanked, 
embraces an area of about seven square miles. During heavy rains, the 
stream swells to a mountain torrent. It was therefore a question of the first 
importance, that the work should be extremely substantial and capable of 
resisting the pressure of a wide expanse of water, having a depth of twenty 
feet. The length of the bund is 620 feet; the foundation has been sunk to 
the rock nine feet in depth, having a breadth of twenty-seven feet, built of 
stone with limestone mortar. The front wall slightly decreases in breadth 
as it rises in elevation, each course of masonry having a narrow ledge 
towards the water-face, as the breadth decreases; the weight of the super¬ 
structure is thus kept well within the perpendicular line. By gradual 
decrease, the masonry is reduced to ten feet in breadth at the top. Its 
height from the foundation rock to the summit is thirty-three feet. The rear 
embankment, continued through the whole length of the bund, is seventy feet 
in breadth, its greatest elevation being twenty-eight feet and six inches. 
The water in the tulao, after rising within four feet of the upper line of 
masonry, flows, out by the outfalls on the right and left of the bund. 
Granular limestone is in such abundance, and so easily quarried, that it has 
been exclusively used as the building stone. It was contracted for by the 


PLATE 8 



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PREPARATION OE MATERIALS. 


149 


zumeendars at the rate of ten cubic yards per rupee, tools being provided at 
our own expense. On being removed from the quarry, the stone was piled 
up on convenient level spots into parallelopipedons, having a depth and 
breadth of one yard, the length depending on circumstances, while it regulates 
the solid content of the mass. This form was chosen as offering the most 
intelligible mode of reckoning by the untaught cultivators, for each man 
provided himself with a stick one yard in length, and could at once satisfy 
himself of the number of cubic yards of stone he had provided. The stone 
was then carted to the works at a stated contract price. The quarries being 
near to the bund, this charge was equally reasonable with the original cost 
for excavation. The limestone used for mortar was broken by boys and 
women with iron hammers into small pieces of the size of a walnut, in order 
that when exposed to the fire of the kiln, its calcination should be quick and 
perfect. It was burnt in a kiln built of stone, the interior having the form of 
an inverted cone, two openings for the disengagement of the calcined lime 
being built in the lower compartment. Several kilns of this kind were 



LIMEKILN 












150 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


constructed to provide for the large demand for lime; and as they were 
maintained at work night and day for a continuance, heat was economised 
and labour saved. Jungle-wood, Dhao, Salur, Dhak, constituted the fuel, 
furnished by our own labourers and carted to the lime-kilns, owing to its 
great abundance. The lime being of so superior a quality, it was mixed with 
an equal weight of washed river-sand in forming mortar. Earth for the 
embankment was provided from the bed of the tulao, ramps of earth being 
thrown up for the convenience of the Beldars and cattle, as the elevation of 
the bund increased. Latterly, as the soil immediately in front became 
exhausted, earth was taken from the rear. The embankment in immediate 
contact with the front wall of masonry was well beaten down and watered 
from time to time. The Beldars were paid by contract. A low sloping bank 
was thrown up in front of the masonry, in view to ease off the pressure of the 
water ; and to prevent the earth of the main embankment from being washed 
away by heavy rain, it has been provided with a dry stone retaining wall 
from four to six feet above the surface of the ground. The masonry and the 
embankment were carried on at the same time; the presence of the earthen 
bund obviated the necessity for scaffolding, while the earth was well trodden 
down by coming in constant contact with the feet of the work-people. The 
public establishment at this work consisted of two Persian Mootsuddees and 
four Chuprassees, respectively receiving twelve and five rupees per mensem. 
The wages of the mistry or head mason were sixteen rupees, and those of 
common workmen from seven to seven rupees eight annas per month. 
Common labourers, women, and boys, received two, one and a-half, and one 
anna as daily wages. The work was commenced in 1837, and was completed 
in two years. Many facilities were offered in its construction. Stone, lime, 
and wood were in ample abundance and near to the scene of work. Water was 
the grand difficulty to be overcome during the first season. It was arranged, 
for, by sinking several wells in the rocky bed of the nuddee. 

The expense of the work was as follows : — 


Rupees. As. Pie. 


153,121 cubic feet of lime masonry- 


4365 6 0 

124 12 6 
1758 1 2 


8,830 do. of dry stone masonry 

725,215 do. of earth well beaten down 


Total expense of the Kabra embankment 


6248 3 8 


The expense of the pucka masonry during the first year of construction 




COST OF CONSTRUCTION. 


151 


was at the rate of three rupees and two pie the 100 cubic feet. During 
the second year, owing to the presence of water in the tulao, the charge was 
reduced to two rupees nine annas the 100 cubic feet. Dry stone masonry 
averaged one rupee ten annas, and earth about four annas for the same 
measurement. It may be right to observe that no forced labour is under 
any circumstances permitted. Every article constituting materials is paid 
for in full at the contracted price, or at open market rates. Artificers 
and labourers, in the same manner, receive the full amount of their wages. 
The Kabra tulao was the first great work that was constructed after the 
systematic improvement of the district was determined on. At that time 
there were no works on the Kabra nuddee, either above or below this village. 
Through a distance of twenty miles, the jungle waste along its course was 
only occasionally broken by small patches of cultivation supplied by wells, 
whose duty, in the then absence of an undercurrent of water permeating the 
soil, was very restricted. Each successive year has contributed its share of 
improvement in works of irrigation, and now the whole of its resources have 
been developed. The heretofore jungle waste is now studded with tulaos, 
weirs, narees, wells, and villages, filled with an increasing population intent 
on rural toil. 

In 1835, the mud-hut village of Kabra was restricted to thirty-eight 
families, who, owing to the absence of water for the use of themselves and 
cattle, returned to their native village of Kuneeja, in Mar war, on the khureef 
crop being housed. Of rubbee cultivation there was none. The following 
table shows the present agricultural capabilities of this village, formed of well- 
built, capacious houses, and holding all the varied castes common to a village 
community established in a country where agriculture has formed the 
business of life from time immemorial: — 


Years. 



Families. 

Ploughs. 

Wells. 

Narees. 

Revenue. 

In 1835-36 - 



38 

22 

3 


Rs. As. Pie. 

473 4 10 

In 1846-47 .... 

- 

- 

133 

100 

46 

31 

2063 12 4 

Increase during the eleven years 

- 

- 

95 

78 

43 

31 

1590 7 6 


During the last two years, the sluice in the outlet to the west of the bund 
has been sunk several feet in depth, in view to irrigate the lands to the rear, 













152 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


and obviate the necessity of Persian wheels, and otherwise economise the 
labour of the cultivators. Before this arrangement was completed, there were 
eighty wheels, generally provided with a double line of buckets, continually 
employed, during the cultivating season, in extracting water for irrigation, 
which presented a scene of industry scarcely to be surpassed in any country 
exclusively agricultural. The tulao, when filled to the overflowing point, 
presents the appearance of a beautiful lake, imbedded in the midst of hills, 
occasionally likened by European travellers to a miniature Bosphorus, and 
covering a spread over 450 beegahs, its waters resting on the base of the 
hills. 

JUWAJA TANK EMBANKMENT. 

Plate No. 11. affords a view of the plan, section, and elevation of the 
Juwaja Embankment, which, according to the records of the village bards, 
was constructed by the Solunkea Rajpoots 681 years ago. It consisted 
entirely of an earthen embankment, defended on both sides by a slanting 
wall of dry masonry, as represented in the section through bb ; each wall 
occupying a base of thirty feet, with an elevation of twenty-five feet. The 
slope is so gradual that no cement is necessary to bind the stones together. 
Between these two walls is an earthen embankment, having a space of sixty- 
six feet. The total breadth of the work at the base is 126 feet. This 
embankment extended between the two ends of a small range of hills, 
connecting both together, and filling up the watercourse which originally 
drained the country fed by the nuddee. E represents the former bed of the 
nuddee. The original outlet for the spare water was at A, cutting through 
the rock. The bund thus described, built by the Rajpoots, appears to have 
been intended to afford water to large herds of cattle kept in the hills, on 
account of the excellence and extent of its grazing lands, and not for purposes 
of irrigation. It had no sluice or convenience for the removal of the water 
beyond the outfall A. The general opinion is, that, through oppression, the 
Rajpoots of the Solunkea clan left Marwar, and sought an asylum from 
the Dehlat Mairs in the Juwaja Hills, and that, while residing there, the 
bund was raised. When the work was completed, the gap marked H was an 
entire continuation of the hill. The period of its demolition, as well as its 
cause, is equally unknown to us. It is supposed the rock may have been 





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JOWAJA TAMM EMBANKMENT 


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1 : Original and Natural bed of the Stream 
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JUWAJA TANK EMBANKMENT. 


153 


partially excavated by wild animals and gradually eroded by the action of the 
stream, until, being no longer strong enough to support the pressure of a large 
body of water, a breach was effected, which each successive year had enlarged, 
until the water ran off as fast as it was collected from the neighbouring hills. 
In 1835, the embankment presented the appearance shown in the Plan 
No. 11., without the additions of lime masonry at D, E, and H. In placing 
this work in an efficient state of repair and utility, the question was, how was 
it to be accomplished ? The most feasible plan that offered was to close up 
the gap at H with a weir, which would admit of the spare water passing over 
its superior surface. The great objection started against this plan was, that 
the hill adjoining the gap H might still be insecure, from the same cause 
which had formerly induced its fall. A front wall of masonry might be 
raised on its slope towards the water, which would add to its strength. Still 
apprehension was great; the hill might be treacherous ; and it was resolved 
to forego the plan. The only other arrangement that promised success at 
a moderate outlay was to throw a massive weir of masonry over the small 
valley to the south, and at right angles to the bund. The plan met with 
staunch opposition from the zumeendars and district officers, who entertained 
the notion that no wall of masonry, unsupported by an earthen embankment, 
could withstand the force of the mountain torrent which descended during 
the rains. The Superintendant was strong in resolution and confident of 
success, could a firm foundation be obtained. The work was therefore 
entered on. The masonry weir is 251^ feet in length; its foundation, resting 
on rock, is twenty-eight feet in breadth, and is built up of that thickness to 
two feet above the level of the bed. Small ledges being left towards the 
water, it rises twenty-two feet in elevation. The descent over which the 
water passes is an inclined plane of masonry, as shown in the plan and 
section. The surface of the ground at the base of the slope is paved with 
slabs to a breadth of twelve feet, to secure the foundation from being 
undermined. The spare water passes through the gap H, secured from 
further injury by a low wall of lime masonry. The ends of the weir have 
been well dovetailed into the rock, and slightly raised above the water-line. 
A large sluice with graduated apertures has been built in the masonry at each 
end. The work is simply a wall of masonry thrown across from hill to hill, 
having a long slope on the outside, over which the spare water flows as 
over a cascade. This work will at once be understood by referring to the 


154 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Survey Map, Plate No. 12., showing the lake, cultivation, watercourses, and 
their sections, together with the village. The Roopana work to the west will 
be noticed presently. The masonry wall marked D was built up to strengthen 
the old embankment. The terre-plein of the bund received slight additions 
of earth. The work was repaired in 1838, realising every hope that had 
been formed of its strength and utility. The floods passed over the upper 
surface of the weir without exciting the slightest apprehension. This was 
our first essay of a weir on a scale of great magnitude. On receipt of 
intelligence that the tulaos were filled to overflowing, the Superintendant’s 
camp was pitched on the bund, and the district officers, with the Puteils 
of some of the principal villages of each purgunah, were called to view the 
work. Great were the joy and surprise of the Elders at seeing so large 
a body of water collected on a spot heretofore dry and waste, which had, 
as it were, been raised by magic; for the weir had been built in the course 
of nine or ten weeks. The great source of delight was, that we had solved an 
important problem in establishing the fact, that weirs of masonry might be 
constructed of any dimensions, and stable enough to withstand any pressure, 
were attention paid to give due proportion to the work ; to rest its foundation 
on rock, and have the masonry of the best materials. From that time weirs 
were commenced in all places where local circumstances favoured their 
construction, accordingly as our means permitted. 

The public establishment employed in the repair of this work was 
restricted to two Mootsuddees and four Chuprassees on the usual rates of 
pay. Stone was available at the spot at ten cubic yards the rupee, free of 
cartage. Water was also in abundance. The lime was at a considerable 
distance from the tulao, involving the expense of carriage. One of the 
Persian writers and two Chuprassees superintended the work at the lime¬ 
kilns, which were built of the same pattern as those used at Kabra. 

The accounts are as follows: — 

' Rs. As. Pie. 

81,036 cubic feet of masonry at rupees 4 6 ll£ per 100 cubic feet - - 3,592 1 0 

1,800 do. of dry masonry at 3 rupees 1 anna per 100 cubic feet - 55 1 11 

76,344 do. of earth well beaten down, at 2 annas and 101 pi e per 100 cubic 

feet - - - ■ * " ■ -137 00 

Total expense of Juwaj a embankment - 3,784 2 11 

The land in front and rear of the bund is completely level, and the soil is 
extremely rich. Only a few Persian wheels are used for the irrigation of land 




SECTIONS tJiro KUCHA DRAINS 








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Litho^Tctrhed bv ^niitKEIdrr & L L oriihiii,Londoil 



















































































































































































































































































































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PLATE 13 



isii Iff 


i. 


:.t : r 
" 


flnnMn 

wBRsm 


m sfefeV'*" : 

VHMi 


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KiMI 


YIEW OP THE JOWA.IA LAKE, PROM THE NORTH 

Lidiojjva.piiftci bj Smith, Elier 8c C° Gornliill,!. ondou. 





ROOPANA WEIR. 


155 


beyond the bed. The sluices reach all the fields to the rear of the 
embankment. At the time work was taken in hand, the village consisted of 
thirty families residing in miserable hovels. It has now expanded into a 
large and thriving village, having a bazaar running through its centre, and 
a new religious edifice erected on the summit of a hill immediately to the 
south of the bund. The water spreads over six hundred beegahs, forming 
a beautiful mountain lake. The following table shows the comparative 
agricultural means of this village in 1835-36 and 1846-47 : — 


Years. 



Families. 

Ploughs. 

Wells. 

Narees. 

Revenue. 

In 1835-36 .... 



25 

17 

8 


Us. As. Pie. 

253 8 7 

In 1846-47 ---- 

- 

- 

122 

100 

28 

15 

1707 5 7 

Increase during the eleven years 

- 

- 

97 

83 

20 

15 

1453 13 0 


Plate No. 13. affords a view of the Juwaja Lake, embracing the 
chuddur or outfall, and giving a good idea of the spread of water, and the 
hills to the south of the village. 


ROOPANA WEIR. 

The Roopana Weir was not selected by the Honourable the Lieutenant- 
Governor, North-Western Provinces, as one of the works to be noticed in this 
sketch ; but as it is an auxiliary to the Juwaja Bund, and is a representative 
of many of the minor works which have been built in subordination to the 
large embankments, to contribute to the spread of cultivation and fill up the 
picture of prosperity, it has been considered deserving of a few brief remarks. 
Its notice will further tend to elucidate the course which has been observed 
in taking advantage of all favourable localities in developing the resources of 
the country, by covering it with a net of works, each contributing its mite in 
augmenting the productiveness of the tract. It has been observed that with 
the aid of large and small works a continuous, unbroken spread of cultivation 
has been maintained over twenty-six miles, from Saroth to Sumeil. The 
same course has been adopted with each separate vale or valley. A strong 
weir is constructed at the head of the valley, to maintain a body of water, 
and, ultimately, to break the force of the mountain torrent. In its rear, 
at convenient intervals, stone dike walls are thrown across its breadth; when, 


x 2 










156 


SKETCH OF M AIK WAR A. 


on any other subsidiary nullah falling into the valley, its water is stopped by 
a second weir of masonry. In this manner, with a few substantial weirs, 
intermixed with stone fences built across its breadth, the valley is converted 
into a series of ascending rich fields, rising to the summit of the hills. 

The Roopana Weir is thrown across a hollow or gorge in a low range of 
hills, closing the watercourse which drains a wide area of country. There 
are twelve large embankments built across the different tributary streams 
which unite at this spot. To have retained all the water collected at this 
place during the rains would have required a work of considerable strength, 
involving a considerable outlay. Our purpose has been served, at a moderate 
expense of labour and money, by closing up the passage with a wall of 
masonry, at the same time that provision has been made for an ample supply 
of water. The foundation rests on solid rock, the breadth of the masonry 
being ten feet six inches at the base, and gradually decreasing, through an 
elevation of eighteen feet, to three feet three inches at the summit. The 
ground to the south-west of the nuddee is secured by a wall of masonry, six 
feet at the base and four feet at the summit, having an embankment of earth 
to its rear, thirty feet in breadth and eleven high. The weir, over which 
alone the water passes, with the single embankment to the south-west, 
measures a length of 522 feet. Small bastions have been built in the weir 
masonry to give stability to the fabric. Plate Ho. 14. gives the plan, section, 
and elevation of the work; while the Survey Map Ho. 12. affords an 
intelligible view of Juwaja and Roopana, with a portion of its cultivation. 
The water from the weir, after winding its course round the ends of several 
small ranges of hills, goes to give productiveness to other villages to the west. 
The income of water is so great, that the chuddur, or cascade, overflows 
nearly the whole year. Land suited for cultivation is the only desideratum. 
It is restricted to that confined between the several lines of hills, all of which 
had to be reclaimed from dense jungle, before the plough could be called into 
action. This work was constructed, in 1846 and 1847, at a cost as below 
stated: — 


43,680 cubic feet of lime masonry 
73,850 do. of earth 


Rs. As. Pie. 
2095 8 10 

110 4 0 


Total expense of Roopana Weir - 


2205 12 10 


During the month of March 1841, Lieutenant Colonel Sutherland, the 




















































































































































































































































































P3JATE 14- 



SITUATED TO THE REAR OF THE JOWAJA TANK. 


MAIRWAR A 



; ' - ft 




mm* 

Slpl 


' -iw 




Tcjim 522Teds 


1 mmi y 



; aph?d by 3: 


—Her i, C? Ccrnr..',: " Tidou 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































OPINION OP THE WORKS. 


157 


agent to the Governor-General in Kajpootana, passed through a portion of 
Mairwara on his way to Oudeypore. His sentiments in reference to some of 
the works already described are fully detailed in his letter to the Government 
of India, dated the 17th of that month. The paragraphs which relate to 
these works are here transcribed. 

“ 7 th, Kabra—A perfectly new, substantial, and handsome bund of 
masonry, blocking up a mountain torrent, and giving a beautiful mountain 
lake, some miles in circumference. The thickness of the bund at the 
foundation is twenty-seven feet, narrowing towards the top; the foundation 
is laid twelve feet under ground, and the height above ground is twenty-eight 
feet. The length two hundred yards; the whole supported by an immense 
earthen embankment, and will be strengthened and beautified by plantation. 
The cost, seven or eight thousand rupees; the irrigation now eight hundred 
beegahs of wheat and barley, and will hereafter be extended to twelve or 
fifteen hundred beegahs. I have hardly seen such a scene of useful industry 
in India as was here presented. There are already sixty Persian wheels with 
double buckets at work on and in the neighbourhood of the embankment, 
throwing the water into separate channels for the irrigation of different tracts 
of land, according to their elevation. Few tanks can irrigate all the lands 
under and around them through sluices ; and even where they can, it may be 
questioned whether much is gained : for the water is more prized and better 
preserved when procured through this more artificial process, and were the 
people and their cattle not so employed, they would, in the season of 
irrigation, be idle. But for this work, and works of this description, with 
which Mairwara in the last few years has been enriched and beautified, all 
around would be barren and unprofitable. The hearts of the people have 
been gladdened by lakes covering the face of the land, where water was never 
before seen; whilst, except in the most unpropitious seasons, they are secure 
against famine. The present season affords the finest example of this: there 
was hardly any rain till the first days of September; the khureef crops failed 
to a great extent even before that time; and we were threatened, as is well 
known, with famine in its worst shape: the rain which then fell, at this 
elevation, would immediately have run off, part of it into the Bay of Bengal, 
and the remainder into the Gulf of Cutch, had not the arms of those useful 
works been spread out to receive and retain it. 

8 th, Dewatan_A tank in its infancy. The foundation has just been laid 


158 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


of substantial stone and mortar, in some places to a depth of eighteen feet; 
it will be completed by the setting in of the rains, at a cost of two or three 
thousand rupees, and will irrigate five or six hundred beegahs of land, or 
more. This tank uniting its waters with those we have seen, with others on 
either hand which we have not seen, and with others yet to be built, will 
eventually complete the irrigation of the valley extending almost to Beawr, a 
distance of twenty-four miles. 

“ 9 th, Juwaja_A magnificent old bund, built ages ago, and originally 

faced with masonry. The bund is so substantial that it has resisted the 
effects of time. But the water, time out of mind, forced a passage through a 
neighbouring hill on the right; to remedy this, a substantial stone embank¬ 
ment, which also serves as a chuddur or cascade when the tank is sufficiently 
full, was thrown, three years ago, at a cost of three thousand rupees, across a 
gorge, and unites, at right-angles, the right end of the tank with another hill. 
In this embankment are two sluices, which irrigate thirteen hundred beegahs 
of wheat and barley land. 

“ 10 thy Jalea.—An old tank, repaired at a cost of eight hundred rupees, 
which irrigates about three hundred and fifty beegahs of land. 

“11 th, Loosanee.—A magnificent new tank, begun only sixteen months 
ago, and finished before last rains to within six feet of its present height; 
these have been added during the present dry season: two flank-works are in 
progress, which will serve as chuddurs or cascades, over which the water will 
flow when the tank is sufficiently full. The masonry at the foundation is, in 
the bastions, thirty-nine feet in thickness, and in the curtains twenty-seven ; 
fining off towards the top, where it is only three feet thick. The foundation 
is sixteen feet under ground, and the height above this twenty-eight feet; 
the masonry is being supported by an immense earthen embankment, and 
behind that will be a retaining stone wall, the whole strong enough, and built 
on principles, to last for ages. This magnificent work will be constructed at 
a cost of eight or nine thousand rupees, whilst to the front and rear of the 
tank, fifteen hundred beegahs of land will come under its direct influence, 
and indirectly, through filtration and saturated land, its influence will be felt 
far and wide. A few more years will see Persian wheels spread round the 
banks and throughout the various ramifications of this extensive lake, some 
miles in circumference, giving profitable occupation and bread to new settlers 
and future generations, where, without it, all would be poverty and waste.” 


159 


CHAPTER XIII. 

DESCRIPTION OP TANK EMBANKMENTS CONTINUED:—KALEE KANKUR, GOHANA, 
BURAR WEIRS, SMALLER WEIRS, LOOSANEE, CHEELA BURA AND DEWATAN 
TULAOS. 

KALEE KANKUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 

This embankment is one of the finest works we possess in Mairwara; 
whether viewed in reference to its magnitude, the massiveness of its masonry, 
or its extensive usefulness. It was not taken in hand until the works at 
Kabra, Dewatan, Surbeena, Khara Kehra, Rohera Kehra, and others, thrown 
across the nuddee and nullahs which unite at this spot, had been constructed, 
thereby reducing the force of the stream and facilitating the erection of the 
bund, a matter at all times surrounded with difficulties, when a powerful 
torrent has to be closed and made subservient to our wishes. The under¬ 
taking was considered one of great magnitude, notwithstanding that a large 
portion of the stream had been checked above the site of the tulao. The 
district officers were apprehensive of the success of the plan, and in this 
sentiment the Elders coincided. It was manifest that the masonry must 
possess an unusual thickness to sustain so great a pressure from a body of 
water having a depth of twenty-four feet. With this necessary precaution 
duly provided for, and by supporting the masonry by a wide embankment of 
earth, hope assured us success would crown our labours. The ground now 
occupied by fertile fields and a large rural peasantry, was, before the 
commencement of the work, an unprofitable jungle waste, covering about 
three square miles. Improvement had progressed on all sides of the waste 
spot, and it was, under all considerations, much to be desired that it should be 
turned to remunerative account. Small weirs would have been insufficient 
to give the spread of cultivation that was required; while, in consequence of 
the obstinacy of the rock, micaceous schist, a few feet below the surface of the 
soil, wells could not be sunk with any promise of an ample supply of water. 
The only alternative was to throw an immense embankment across the 


160 


SKETCH OF M AIR WAR A. 


nuddee and adjacent hollows, and arrest the progress of the stream. The 
measure, it was true, would involve a greater outlay than had, at that time, 
been expended on any work of irrigation in the district, at the same time 
that it would require a period of three years to complete it. Its erection 
would further call for the exercise of extreme patience, and a determined 
resolution to overcome all difficulties. But we had become familiar with 
difficulties in all shapes and forms, from constant contact with them during 
six years of unabated labour. It was also to he borne in mind that, the more 
refractory the obstacles to be overcome, the greater would be the glory. It 
was therefore decided to build the Kalee Kankur work. 

The plan, section, and elevation of the work are delineated in Plate 
No 15. The bund is thrown across a wide hollow embracing the nuddee, 
which drains an area covering about fifteen square miles. It consists of a 
massive wall of lime masonry towards the water, strengthened by solid 
bastions of the same material. The front wall is supported by a broad 
embankment of earth, secured in the nuddee and through a portion of its 
length by a retaining wall of masonry to its rear. The length of the entire 
work is 3,369 feet, six inches. The section at A B gives an intelligible view 
of the water, masonry, and earthen embankment. The foundation at the 
nuddee rests on firm rock. The thickness of the masonry, independently 
of the additional breadth and strength afforded by the bastions, is forty-two 
feet; each course of masonry towards the water-face being retired one 
foot behind the lower one, and forming a gradual ascent of steps to the 
summit, twenty-eight feet high, where the breadth is restricted to six feet. 
The earthen embankment, having a base of ninety-seven feet, rises to an 
elevation of thirty feet; the superior surface being thirty feet broad. F 
represents the natural watercourse closed up by the bund. As there are 
eighteen tulaos above this work, and as, on their being filled to overflowing, 
the force of the nuddee is nearly as great as before it was embanked at 
any single point, — moreover, as accidents might occur through heavy and 
continued floods, by which injury might be sustained by any of the upper 
works, when an immense and powerful body of water would be let loose, 
carrying destruction before it, if opposed, — it was a subject of the greatest 
importance that the outfalls or escapes should be so wide as even to 
admit of the passage of a volume of water equal to that retained by one 
of the large works built above this spot. In a word, it was imperative to 







•■aMttfctS.' 




.^ir"'-"'- 


inti*: 


IgffW gB 

c. 


^yaugr; 




length IS20 6 + 500 
Escapes SS2 + 167 


BCDE Correspond with the same tellers on the Survey Map 
F Original and Natural Bed ot the Shram 


K1LEE KAN XU 


EMBANKMENT 


SECTION thro' AB 


C< archill .LniAd! 









































































































































































































































































. 






* 













































Lithographed "by Smith.Elder&C? ComhilLLondon. 














































































































































































































































































KALEE KANKUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 


161 


guard against the overtopping of the superior face of the embankment by 
floods, or from injury happening to the works above. With this intention 
in view, the spare water, on the filling of the tulao, has an outfall over 
a cascade, or chuddur, 1049 feet in length. On the water rising within 
four feet of the top of the masonry of the bund, it commences to flow over the 
chuddurs, which are each placed on the same level. The advantage arising 
from this wide escape is, that, during the heaviest rain, the water rarely 
rises one foot above the level of the outfalls. The volume of water carried 
off by the escapes is equal to that discharged by a river 350 yards across with 
a depth of one foot. The foundation of the front masonry wall rests on firm 
rock, at some places cropping out at the surface, as is the case in the nuddee; 
at others, six, eight, or ten feet below the surface of the soil. The mortar 
is prepared of granular limestone calcined in kilns, as with respect to Kabra, 
laid in stone; the exterior water-face being again plastered with ground lime, 
or marble cement, as is done with the town wall of Nya Nuggur. The 
foundation and front face of the masonry are built with large stones, each 
weighing several hundred weight; the interstices being filled up with mortar 
and smaller stones. Some of these large stones have each required forty 
men to move them. Stability to the work was thus ensured at a trifling 
increase of expense. Rough platform carriages moving on four low wheels, 
or trucks, drawn by oxen, were also employed in the transport of the 
larger stones. Six capacious sluices are built in the body of the work for 
the irrigation of the land to the rear. To the water-face, the entrance is 
protected by a hollow bastion, pierced with apertures, and provided internally 
with spiral steps for the convenient removal of the sluice plugs. A channel 
of masonry is conducted through the embankment to the rear, where it is 
met by a small reservoir of lime masonry, of the form of a hollow cube. 
This reservoir is perforated with apertures which communicate with distinct 
drains at different elevations. By this arrangement the water can be taken 
to separate levels on the line of the different apertures. These sluices are 
shown in the Plate giving the ground-plan of the work. They are also 
apparent in the elevation of the bund. 

The outfall to the west is further furnished with four sluices. The 
Survey Map, Plate No. 16., conveys a good idea of the tulao (having a spread 
over five hundred beegahs), the spare water in the course of escape, and the 
kucha drains made by the cultivators to carry the sluice water to their 

Y 


162 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


fields. In order to keep the size of the Plate within due bounds, much of the 
cultivation is not shown, and a large aqueduct of masonry is also omitted, 
which serves the double purpose of holding a watercourse or channel within 
the interior of its wall, while at the same time it acts as a weir, and forms a 
tulao by blocking up a small stream from another direction. 

The work was commenced in 1842 and completed in 1844. The public 
establishment consisted of two Persian Mootsuddees and four Chuprassees. 
Stone was procurable in abundance within reasonable distance of the work, 
but it was necessary to cart it. Limestone was dug and broken into small 
pieces at a distance of two miles from the works, where it was burnt in kilns, 
as stated in respect to Kabra. Much of the wood that otherwise would 
have been available had the bund been constructed a few years sooner, had 
been used up for the lime of other embankments. It was carted from a 
distance of a mile to the kilns. The calcined lime was conveyed on Bunjara 
bullocks. Four lime-kilns were maintained night and day in constant use 
for some months, since the expenditure, when work was at its height, was 
about one thousand maunds per diem. At that time between seven and eight 
hundred people were engaged on the works. Water was the chief difficulty 
during the first year. This was obviated during the second year. 

The expense of the work was as follows: — 

Rs. As. Pie. 

175,850 cubic feet of lime masonry - 8,711 12 0 

164,200 do. of kucha pucca masonry - - 4,950 8 0 

1,288,570 do. of earth - - - 2,887 6 7 

Total expenditure of the Kalee Kankur embankment 16,549 10 7 

It has been observed that, before this work was taken in hand, the land 
in its vicinity was waste and barren. An unfailing supply of water has, in 
this instance, as with respect to all other jungle wastes, totally changed the 
appearance of the place, which now holds a wide extent of cultivation, and 
supports six new hamlets independently of Kalee Kankur, all the growth of 
the last few years. The scene of prosperity which has been wrought by the 
Kalee Kunkur work is much greater than the most sanguine anticipated, 
while the place was a desolate jungle. It is further extensively useful in 
supplying numerous wells sunk on the nuddee some miles distant to its rear. 
During the first year of its construction, the outfalls on both flanks were left 
open for the free passage of the spare water. Much care was observed here, 




KALEE KANKUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 


163 


as with other works, in having the masonry wall constantly sprinkled with 
water; and as each course rose one above the other, this operation was 
repeated. It is an indisputable fact, that masonry built during the season 
of the rains is stronger and more durable than that raised in dry weather, 
in consequence of the quantity of rain-water absorbed by the mortar. Hence 
the expedient resorted to, in supplying moisture to replace the water of 
crystallisation, of which the stone is deprived in the course of calcination. 
The lime of the Mairwara works is the admiration of men experienced in 
building. In the brief period of four or five days, it resists the nail of 
the finger, when applied to it, with a grating sound, which is alike the 
sure criterion of a well-driven fuze, and of good lime. The agricultural 
means of Kalee Kankur, with its subordinate hamlets, may thus be shown: — 


Years. 

Families. 

Ploughs. 

Wells. 

Narees. 

Revenue. 

In 1835-36 - 
In 1846-47 - 

- 

118 

110 

25 

14 

Rs. As. Pie. 

1089 12 4 

Increase during the eleven years 

- 

118 

110 

25 

14 

1089 12 4 


Stone was dug and carted by contract; the price of excavation being 
at the rate of ten, and cartage at nine cubic yards the rupee. Wood was cut 
by our own labourers and carted by contract. The lime was burnt by 
ourselves, and carried to the works on Bunjara bullocks at the rate of 
2rs. 4 a. the one hundred maunds. The earthen embankment was thrown 
up in the usual way by Beldars, at the rate of four annas the one hundred 
cubic feet during the first year. On the elevation of the bund increasing, 
the price was raised from four to six annas for the same measurement. The 
workpeople received the ordinary wages as mentioned in respect to Kabra. 
This embankment, and all others, are planted on the exterior slope with 
burgut, peepul, and babool trees, which contribute much to the appearance 
of the works ; while their stability is increased by the soil being closely bound 
together by the roots of the trees. Care should be taken to plant them well 
to the rear, in order that the roots may not destroy the masonry work. 


T 2 











164 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


GOHANA TANK EMBANKMENT. 

On a reference to the Survey Plan, Plate No. 17., it will be observed 
that this work, similar to that of Kabra, is thrown across the gorge in a 
low range of hills, to impede the course of the nuddee, and collect the water 
into one body for the purposes of irrigation. The plan, section, and elevation 
are shown in Plate No. 18. The work consists of a wall of lime masonry 
towards the water-face, supported by a broad embankment to the rear, which 
is secured by three separate retaining walls. The foundation has been 
sunk to the rock, a depth of ten feet, where the masonry has a breadth 
of twenty-five feet, as shown in the section through AB. On reaching the 
surface of the bed, the breadth of the masonry is broken into steps, gradually 
decreasing through its height, twenty-eight feet, until, at the summit, it 
is only four feet and a quarter in breadth. The earthen embankment having 
a gentle slope to the rear, and secured by three separate retaining walls of 
masonry to prevent the earth being washed away, has a breadth of 153 feet. 
The length of the bund is 460 feet. It has been provided with two outlets 
cut through the rock: that to the north is used solely as an outfall for 
the escape of the spare water. The one to the south has been considerably 
deepened, in view to the irrigation of the lands to the rear through the 
masonry sluices built at its mouth, and furnished with graduated apertures. 
On the t.ulao filling, a portion of the spare water flows over the masonry. 
Both outlets are placed on the same level. F represents the bed of the 
original nuddee before its course was arrested. The curved form of the bund 
has been chosen under three considerations: to take advantage of a firm 
foundation, to present a greater area of obstruction in masonry and earth, 
thereby contributing to the stability of the bund, and to reduce the elevation 
work; since the ground to its rear is several feet lower than the present bed of 
the tank. The water from the sluice is conducted along the slope of the hill 
in a channel cut in the rock to A A (vide Survey Map), when it is carried over 
the dell by means of an aqueduct of masonry, a plan, section, and elevation 
of which are shown in the Map. The water is then conducted through 
earthen drains to the various fields. The bed of the tulao is so elevated, 
that all the rear land is directly irrigated from the sluice. The area drained 
by the nuddee is small in reference to the extent of the water-shed lines of 
Juwaja, Loosanee, or Kabra. Hence the tulao is only filled to overflowing 


PLATE 17. 





Lithographed. hy Smith,Elder & C° CornhllL, London. 

































































































































































































































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MA IRWARA. 






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BURAR WEIRS. 


165 


during seasons of heavy and continued rains. When filled, it covers an 
expanse over 260 beegahs. It was built in 1828-29 by Colonel Hall, C.B., 
the cost being as follows : — 






Rs. As. 

Pie. 

99,849 cubic feet of lime masonry - 

- 

- 3,209 15 111 

37,323 

do. 

of kucha pucca masonry - 

- 

- 695 6 


3,320 

do. 

of dry stone masonry 

- 

6 3 


19,380 

do. 

of channels, &c. - 

- 

174 0 

0 

439,941 

do. 

of earth - 

- 

- 1,183 15 

4f 


Total expenditure of the Gohana Tank embankment 4,269 9 8 


The work is extremely substantial, its irrigative duty extending to 685 
beegahs, and affording ample employment to the flourishing village of 
Gohana. 

This tulao presents a satisfactory instance of the extreme facility with 
which works of this nature are constructed in a hilly country. The opening 
left by nature for the passage of the water does not exceed sixty yards. Our 
labours have been restricted to closing up this gap with a strong barrier of 
masonry and earth, when a beautiful lake has been formed, giving food and 
ocupation to fifty-nine families, and amply repaying the state for its outlay. 
In Ajmeer, where the country is less hilly, it will be seen that we sometimes 
have to embank over a distance of three or four thousand feet, without 
gaining so large a volume of water as has here been obtained in the raising 
of a bund 420 feet in length. 

The cultivation in front of the tulao is irrigated from the Rahtan Kehra 
tank. To the rear are the works at Nurbudea Kehra and Sunwah; and 
thus, by a series of works, one flowing on another, the irrigation of all the 
vallies is provided for. 


BURAR WEIRS. 

The works already described, with exception to the Roopana Weir, have 
been constructed of masonry, supported by an embankment of earth. In 
situations where the gorge or hollow to be blocked up exceeds one hundred 
yards in length, this course is the cheapest and most expeditious, for the 
absence of an earthen bund would involve the necessity for a greater 
thickness of masonry, which would so much enhance the expense as almost to 
operate as a prohibition. Earthen bunds, faced with masonry and carefully 






166 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA, 


looked to, are substantial and permanent. In a country essentially hilly, 
circumstances call for the adoption of other devices more accordant to local 
exigencies. Earthen bunds, as a means for closing hill torrents confined to a 
narrow space, would be wholly unsuited to the duty required of them, while 
they would be continually liable to injury from floods. The plan so generally 
followed in the purgunahs of Todgurh, Bhaelan, Dewair, and Saroth, will be 
understood from a description of two of the weirs constructed at Burar, four 
miles distant from Todgurh. 

The Survey Map, Plate No. 19., affords an intelligible notion of the 
Burar Weirs; the upper one closing the stream in its descent, and forming a 
reservoir from which the lower one is supplied with water during the season 
of irrigation. The Burar nuddee is the great outlet which drains the hills 
around Todgurh, covering an area of perhaps six square miles. The descent 
is steep, and, as a natural consequence, the mountain torrent immediately 
flowed off to fertilise Meywar in its progress to the Bunas river, affording 
only superficial benefit to the village. As works of irrigation progressed 
through the Mugra, the people of Burar became exceedingly anxious to 
partake of the benefit which was then being extended, according to our 
means, to all the purgunahs. We had constructed one large tulao, equal to 
the duty of maintaining 310 beegahs of rubbee, and two others were being 
raised. Still the wants of the people were not satisfied. As has already been 
stated, many families had returned after the lapse of a long period of years, 
and the population by this and other means had much increased. They were 
promised more tulaos as their turn came round; but this assurance did not 
satisfy them. Their hearts were bent on retaining for their own use the 
immense body of water which passed along the nuddee by their village, and 
was then lost to them. They urged that some arrangement be made for 
husbanding the water which now ran to waste, and entertained a confident 
hope that the measure, if properly carried out, would secure them from 
famine. The elders of the village had seen that the large body of water held 
in the Juwaja tulao was alone maintained by a solid weir of masonry, and 
they were solicitous the same plan should be observed in holding up the 
waters of their nuddee. The measure promised to be extremely beneficial, 
while in carrying it out no interests were impaired, nor any objection raised 
by any section of the community at large ; a matter of rare occurrence when 
a large volume of water has to be arrested in its course, to be reserved for 


























































































































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BURAR WEIRS. 


167 


one class of tlie people. It has been said the rains are extremely precarious 
in Mairwara. A storm may rise, and hope be excited of receiving an ample 
fall of rain, when the clouds would break and some villages would be passed 
over untouched. The shower might fall plenteously in the hills about 
Todgurh, and Burar derive no benefit; but by pressing the nuddee which 
drained those hills into the service of Burar, the chances of obtaining water 
were much increased. Again, allowing no shower fell at this village, and 
that the reservoirs on the nuddee had been filled from the upper hills, which 
might be effected in the course of two hours, not a cultivator would forsake 
his village. Our whole solicitude was centered on the provision of water, 
that the people might earn their livelihood honestly. Gain was a secondary 
consideration, and would accrue to us with the prosperity of the people. A 
favourable position was sought up the bed of the nuddee, offering a level 
basin as a reservoir for the water, with rocky bottom, and the least span 
compatible with other advantages. An inspection of the Survey Map will 
show that we have availed ourselves to the full of all local advantages. The 
site selected for the weir is the narrowest span offered in the nuddee through 
a distance of two miles. The foundation is rock; but to insure perfect 
permanence, the upper surface was removed, and a trench was sunk, thirty 
feet broad and eight feet deep, for the foundation. A like excavation was 
made in the hills to a lesser extent on either side for the introduction of the 
foundation wall. This precaution was essential to the stability of the work, 
and to remove all possibility of the water working its way through the 
interstices of the rock round the ends of the weir. The foundation was built 
of the best lime masonry. The level of the nuddee having been attained, the 
superstructure was raised to a height of ten feet, with a breadth of twenty- 
seven feet six inches; the rear wall being perpendicular. On reaching this 
course, the breadth was further reduced to twenty-two feet six inches, a step 
or ledge having been left in front. The masonry was then elevated ten feet, 
the rear wall preserving its perpendicularity. A further reduction of three 
feet was then made in the breadth, by having a third ledge; and after a 
further elevation of ten feet, a fourth ledge was left. The breadth of the 
weir at the summit is only seven feet; eleven feet having been sacrificed to 
the rear slope of the weir. The total height of the weir is forty-four feet. 
On referring to the plan and elevation of the upper weir, it will be observed 
the span across the nuddee at its bed is contracted, while at the summit it 


168 


SKETCH OF MAIKWAKA. 


expands to 240 feet 3 inches in length. Particular care has been taken to 
embed the masonry some feet within the slope of the hill. The work is 
again strengthened by three massive bastions of masonry. The three sluices 
built in the masonry of the weir are shown in the plan, upper weir. One 
opens to the right side of the weir, its section being shown in No. 3. on the 
line bb. On the left there are two masonry drains, as shown in the sections 
Nos. 1. and 2. on the line aa. One of these masonry drains may be traced 
in the map, carrying the water clearly out of the hills, across the road * 
leading to Deogurh, to cultivation on the plain two miles distant from the 
weir. Much care was required in preserving the level of the drains through 
so great a distance along the abrupt and ever-varying slope of the hill. 
Openings have been left below, wherever necessary, for the passage of the 
rain-water descending the hill. The body of water retained by the upper 
weir covers an area of about 220 beegahs. Possessing a depth of thirty-six 
feet, its duty is very extensive; for, independently of directly irrigating 
large patches of cultivation, the sluices are, as occasion demands, opened; 
the water finding its way along the bed of the nuddee, supplying numerous 
wells en route, and eventually being stopped by the lower weir. This second 
work, in subordination to the upper weir, will be well understood on referring 
to the “ lower weir ” on the Survey Map. It consists of a wall of masonry 
strengthened by bastions, thrown across the bed of the nuddee to intercept 
the progress of the stream. The section through b b indicates the thickness 
and height of the masonry. Advantage has been taken of rocks cropping out 
of the bed, on which to build the foundation. Between these rocks, the gravel 
and silt have been removed to a depth of ten feet; the masonry resting on 
solid rock, being twelve feet six inches broad at the base. The superstructure 
gradually decreases in breadth from ten feet six inches to six feet six inches, 
through a height of twenty feet. The length across the nuddee is 343 feet 
six inches. The main object of the lower weir is to provide water for wells 
located on either bank of the nuddee. Sluices are further built on each 
flank, and irrigate much land. The weir is further useful indirectly in 
supplying many wells with water through percolation. The upper weir was 
commenced in 1837-38, and completed in four years. The delay was 
intentional, to allow the masonry time to cement into one mass. During the 
first year, it was only raised ten feet above the foundation, and the torrent 
was then allowed to pass over it until the ensuing year, when it received a 


IMPROVEMENTS IN THE VILLAGE OE BURAR. 


169 


further elevation, and was again subjected to the ordeal of the torrent. In 
this way the work became firm and stable. The lower weir having to sustain 
a less pressure, was completed in two seasons. 

The dotted lines on the Survey Plan denote the positions taken up in 
surveying the ground. 

The expense of the work was as follows : — 

Rs. 

Lower weir 102,600 cubic feet of lime masonry - - 2,560 

Upper weir, with drains of masonry, 155,520 cubic feet of 

lime masonry ----- 4,000 

Allusion has already been made to the great improvements which have 
been made in this village during the last ten years. Its agricultural ability 
in 1835-36, as contrasted with its means in 1846-47, is shown in the 
subjoined table: — 


Years. 



Families. 

Ploughs. 

Wells. 

Narees. 

Revenue. 

In 1835-36 - 



70 

64 

131 


Us. As. Pie. 

3848 11 8 

In 1846-47 - 

- 

- 

440 

329 

301 

— 

8852 6 0 

Increase daring the eleven years 

- 

- 

370 

265 

70 

- 

5003 10 4 


After this full explanation of two of our numerous family of weirs, 
assisted by the corresponding plans, sections, and elevations, it might be 
considered supererogatory to enlarge further on their usefulness, either as an 
instrument for providing occupation and food to the denizens of the Mugra, 
or as generally administrating to the prosperity of the district, and augmenting 
our rent-roll. The plan observed in respect to this village has been 
extensively adopted in other hilly purgunahs. Each village has the 
satisfaction of knowing that we have availed ourselves of all local facilities 
to increase irrigation, by closing all the watercourses; and that, if one 
heavy fall of rain is experienced within the boundary of any village, that 
village will be insured against drought. 

The seven works above described comprise the tulaos selected by the 
Honourable Mr. Thomason from some of those which fell under his 
observation in his tour through Mairwara in 1846. They are good samples, 

z 











170 


SKETCH OF MATRWAKA. 


and show the nature of the works, each being adapted to the local exigencies 
and the duty required. The Kalee Kankur work having to sustain the 
greatest pressure, has been made proportionably massive. The extent of the 
outfall, next to the massiveness of the bund, is the most prominent feature in 
this work. Kabra and Gohana are suited in their way to block up the gorge 
between the hills, by interposing a strong barrier of masonry and earth, and 
preserving the continuity of the range. Roopana is simple in its construction, 
combining much usefulness at a small pecuniary outlay. The Burar weirs 
are particularly well adapted for a hilly country. The construction of such 
works requires little skill. The selection of an eligible site, combined with 
unexceptioDably good materials, and time for the masonry to set, are the chief 
points for consideration. 

Much has been said of the usefulness of small weirs thrown across 
nuddees, as an auxiliary to irrigation. A brief notice of this kind of work 
may not be out of place. Plate No. 20. represents three distinct weirs. 
No. 1. is thrown across the Kabra nuddee, which passes near to Nya Nuggur. 
It is 315 feet in length; forming a straight line, and stretching across the bed 
of the stream. Advantage has been taken of rocks which crop out of the 
nuddee; serving for a firm foundation, and, in some measure, as a rear 
support to the masonry. The section on xx gives a profile of the weir, 
having a breadth at the base of ten feet, and of six feet ten inches at the top ; 
the height rising to thirteen feet. The work is strengthened by small 
bastions to the front. The water maintained in the nuddee by this weir 
extends to the distance of three quarters of a mile, supplying wells on both 
sides of the nuddee, and indirectly proving useful by the filtration of the 
water through the soil. 

No. 2. is another specimen. Its length is 145 feet. Half of the 
masonry rests on a firm rock. For the other half, no hard foundation was 
attained. The influx of the water after digging six feet below the bed 
of the nuddee was so great, that all efforts to remove it proved unavailing. 
The trench was filled up with unslaked lime, and stones promiscuously thrown 
in, until the water-level was attained, when the masonry was built with stone 
and mortar in the ordinary way. This work has stood ten years, and is as 
firm and stable as the day it was raised. The sections on yy and z z, show 
the thickness of the masonry. The elevation affords a front view of the weir 
from its bed, on the nuddee being dry. 








































































































































. 












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Lithographed bv I'mit.h, Elder Sr C° Cornell.London 













































PLATE 21 



VIEW OT THE, LOOSANEE LAKE, PROM THE NORTH. 

Lithographed "by Smith .Elder L C? Ccmhill.L onion. 







LOOSANEE TANK EMBANKMENT. 


171 


No. 3. is built across the same nuddee as the foregoing work. Its length 
was originally confined to the straight line ec, 107 feet across the span of the 
bed. It was the first work of this kind built, and proper precautions had 
not been taken to prevent the flank from being turned, and a new bed opened 
out by the stream. During one heavy flood, when the banks were overflown, 
the torrent dug out a new passage, now occupied by the line d d. Rather 
than fill this up with masonry and earth, it was deemed prudent to raise a 
new weir, and leave the whole space open as a water-way. It was the 
cheapest mode of repairing the injury, while, by giving double the way for 
the passage of the water, we should hereafter be ensured against mishap from 
heavy floods. The foundation rests on rock. The sections across a a and b b 
give the thickness of the masonry. 

In works of this kind, over which the mountain torrents during the rains 
pass several feet in depth, the attention of the mason is called to the 
security of the flanks. The masonry at each end of the water-way should be 
elevated a few feet above high-water mark, and firmly embedded in the banks. 
With these precautions, the torrent may roar in its passage over the weir 
without exciting apprehension. 

LOOSANEE TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The Loosanee Tank Embankment, Plate No. 21., is one of the finest 
works of irrigation we possess in Mairwara. It was not selected by His 
Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, perhaps from its similarity of construction 
to that of Kabra. The pencil of the Superintendant’s talented friend, 
Lieutenant Herbert, has afforded him the means of giving a sketch of this 
beautiful mountain lake, covering an area of six hundred beegahs. The bund 
is shown to the right-hand corner, filling up the gorge in the range of the 
hills. It is formed of the best granular limestone mortar; the thickness 
of the masonry at the foundation being twenty-nine feet, while it has been 
sunk twenty feet below the surface of the soil. Its height above the terre- 
plein is twenty-four feet. The masonry towards the water is broken into 
a series of ascending steps. The earthen embankment to the rear has a 
breadth of seventy-five feet, forming, with the front masonry, a massive 
barrier, calculated, with proper precautions, to last through ages, and to 
perpetuate the name of the British Government. The length of the work 


172 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


is 575 feet. A retaining wall has been built to the rear to support the 
earthen bund. There are two escapes to this work, giving an outfall over 
190 feet: one of them is shown to the left of the embankment. The work 
was commenced in 1840, and completed in three years. Its cost was 8,106 rs. 
2 a. 3 p. The great difficulty to be overcome was the filling in the 
foundation to a depth of twenty feet, with a breadth of twenty-nine feet, and 
a length of 575 feet. The mass of materials actually buried in the ground 
would have been sufficient for an ordinary-sized work. There was, however, 
no alternative. We must lay our foundation on the rock, or forego the 
raising of the work; for the torrent to be stemmed was strong and large 
in volume, warning us, that nothing less than the most substantial masonry 
could withstand the pressure from so large a bulk of water as would be 
confined by the bund. The season was far advanced before the superstructure 
was commenced. An increase of energy was called for — more kilns were 
erected, and more workpeople were applied at the quarries, kilns, and on the 
body of the work. Another subject which weighed heavily on our minds 
was, that there was no outlet for the spare water until we had raised the high- 
water mark sixteen feet above the bed of the tulao; or, in other words, 
our bund must be eighteen feet high, allowing two feet for the depth at the 
outfall, before the spare water would run off, and the embankment be 
preserved from injury by the overtopping of the water. As the season 
of the rains came nearer and nearer to us, it became necessary to expedite 
the work by employing a separate party at night. At length the masonry wall 
was raised to a height of eighteen feet above the foundation; the elevation we 
had been so solicitous to attain. The earth was well embanked up to its 
rear; it was further beaten down, and watered as far as was practicable. 
Thus prepared, we anxiously awaited the commencement of the rain. Our 
anxiety was relieved in the course of a few days. A heavy fall, of some 
hours’ duration, was experienced. The water, as it collected in one volume, 
spread out its wide bosom, penetrating into all the sinuosities of the hills, and 
stretching up to their base. In three hours, a large lake was formed; the 
level of the water being still below the outfall. We wished the rain would 
hold up, as the bund had already to undergo a great pressure, and as the 
work had been built to a height of thirty-eight feet in the course of six 
months, it was manifest the masonry had not been allowed time to set. The 
rain still continued; the face of the bund towards the water gradually 


LOOSANEE TANK EMBANKMENT. 


173 


became less as the water rose. At length the spare water passed through the 
outfall. It carried off a large quantity ; yet the income was greater than the 
discharge, and the face of the bund was steadily disappearing through the 
rise of the water. Anxiety was now raised to its utmost stretch ; the water 
had risen within four inches of the summit of the masonry. The interior 
masonry, unexposed to the action of the atmosphere, could not have dried. 
Again, the earthen embankment, from not having been saturated with 
moisture, must have been wanting in adhesiveness. Our work had not been 
fairly dealt with in taxing its powers at so early a stage, before it had had 
time to settle down into one mass. If the storm continued, it was evident 
nothing could prevent the overtopping of the bund by the water which would 
wash away the earthen embankment, and not unlikely force a breach in 
the masonry. At this moment, when hope had almost forsaken us, the storm 
became less violent, the rain decreased in force, and at length ceased; the 
integrity of the Loosanee bund having been preserved. On a close exa¬ 
mination of the masonry, it was found that not a stone had been displaced, 
nor was the slightest fissure apparent in the lime plaster. It was as firm and 
stable as could have been desired. The earthen bund had sunk nearly two 
feet, owing to the settling down of the particles of earth. Moreover, its 
surface was irregular. Not a leak was discovered through the masonry; 
its powers of retention had been perfect. The earthen embankment was 
forthwith raised three feet above the level of the masonry, in view to 
being prepared for future emergencies. The ordeal to which the Loosanee 
bund had been submitted was extremely severe, considering all the cir¬ 
cumstances connected with its speedy construction. Its stability was 
entirely dependant on the excellence of the mortar and the thickness of the 
masonry; since the earthen embankment would afford little support until the 
earth had become moist, and the bund had settled down into a compact body. 
The work was raised six feet in height on the second year, and outfalls of 
masonry were built. During the third year, the rear retaining wall was 
raised, and the earthen embankment, which had been gradually sinking 
during two years, was well elevated above the masonry and levelled. Its 
breadth is sufficient for the pitching of several large tents. The drawing 
of the lake, while conveying an intelligible notion of the nature of the work, 
affords a good view of the mountain scenery in which it is located. 


174 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


CHEELA BURA TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The work at this village, situated amidst the hills between Kabra and 
Juwaja, consists simply of a front wall of masonry, strengthened by bastions, 
and supported by an earthen embankment. The stream it closes is in¬ 
considerable in force, and is limited to the drainage of a small area. The 
front wall is in consequence limited to a breadth of five feet, generally 
decreasing through an elevation of twenty feet, including six feet foundation, 
to the summit, which is three feet six inches broad. The earthen embank¬ 
ment is likewise restricted in breadth, the base being thirty feet and superior 
surface fifteen feet. Works of this kind, though less costly and beautiful in 
appearance than Loosanee, Juwaja, or Kabra, are highly serviceable and 
remunerative. During the khureef season, they support a large cultivation 
of Indian corn; while, in failure of the September showers, the bed of the 
tulao gives a luxuriant crop of barley during the rubbee. This embankment 
is 954 feet in length, having an outlet cut through the rock for the escape of 
the spare water, and is provided with graduated sluices. Plate No. 22. gives 
a front view of this tulao, covering an area of a hundred beegahs, and 
conveys a satisfactory idea of the work itself and of the hill scenery to its 
rear. 


DEWATAN TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The work at this place is not unlike the Kalee Kankur embankment, but 
on a smaller scale. It is located three miles to the south-east of Kabra, and 
closes up the nuddee which drains the hills near Saroth. The work consists 
of a substantial wall of masonry, the foundation of which in the nuddee is 
nineteen feet deep, but resting on its right and left on firm rock cropping out 
of the ground : the breadth being twenty-one feet. The superstructure, by a 
gradual decrease in its width, rises sixteen feet in elevation, having massive 
bastions to the front, and a broad earthen embankment to its rear. Its 
length is 1333 feet. It is provided with various sluices, and a wide outfall 
for the escape of the spare water. A very intelligible view of the Dewatan 
Lake, with its bund, wide expanse of water, and beautiful mountain scenery 
to the rear, is offered in Plate No. 23. The water spreads over an area of 


PLATE 22 


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VIEW 0? | Hi;LA HUITRA jUL AO. 

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PLATE 23 





VIEW. OF THE DEWATAN- LAKE FROM THE SOUTH EAST. 

Lithogra^he.d by Ejxiit^El&ga: & 0° Comhlll,LgacLon. 














DEWATAN TANK EMBANKMENT. 


175 


four hundred beegahs, which is ample for the irrigation of a broad and 
luxuriant sheet of cultivation in its rear, stretching to that watered by- 
Persian wheels from the front of the Kabra Lake. A few years ago, the land 
in the vicinity of this work was an unproductive jungle. It now teems with 
life and industry; having six hamlets dependant on it, and giving a rubbee 
crop extending over 1100 beegahs. 

The plans, sections, and elevations of the Kabra, Juwaja, and other 
embankments afford the means of forming a correct judgment of the 
component parts of the works, and of the whole as a body. But no satis¬ 
factory idea could be formed of the nature of the country from these plans. 
To supply this deficiency, the views of a few of the lakes may be found 
extremely useful in affording information which the imagination, unaided, 
might fail to supply. 



PERSIAN WATER-WHEELS AT WORK AT A WE'LL. 











177 


CHAPTER XIY. 

ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE RESTORATION OF PROSPERITY TO AJMEER. — THE UNION 
OF BOTH DISTRICTS UNDER THE SUPERINTENDANT OF MAIRWARA.—THE TANK 
EMBANKMENTS AT LOHURWARA, DURATHOO, AND SREENUGGUR DESCRIBED. 

The rapid strides with which improvement was advancing in Mairwara, were 
not unheeded by the local authorities. The first to take advantage of the 
example shown them were the Thakoors of Mussooda and Ivhurwa, in the 
Ajmeer district. Their estates lie contiguous to the Mugra, and many of 
their cultivators, kinsmen of the Mairs and Mairats, were desirous of settling 
in Mairwara. The news of our intention to cherish the Ryots and increase 
the facilities for agriculture, quickly spread far and wide. Many of our own 
cultivators had left the country, chiefly from the effects of the severe famine 
in 1833, and partly from an idea that the Kun-koot assessment had been 
too heavy. As measures of amelioration progressed, and the system of im¬ 
provement we had determined on became apparent, and engendered confidence 
on the part of the people, many of our absentees returned, bringing with 
them their relations from Mussooda and Khurwa. The Thakoors were 
dismayed at the prospect of losing so many of their tenants, and appealed 
for relief to the Superintendant of Ajmeer. This officer addressed the 
Superintendant of Mairwara early in 1836, intimating that the terms 
offered by us were so light in reference to the rates which prevailed in Ajmeer, 
and the pecuniary advances were so unusually favourable, that a large portion 
of the cultivators would be enticed from the District; and, as a natural 
consequence, the Istimrardars would be unable to pay their rents. It was 
stated in reply, that no individual or class of people had been invited to 
seek their fortunes with us ; that such as had come had done so spontaneously; 
and that our rates of assessment were the same as had obtained, since the 
subjugation of the Mugra. It was true we were aiding the poverty-stricken 
Ryots with the means of purchasing cattle for their ploughs, in sinking wells, 
or in the preparation of small field works. We were further materially 

A A 


178 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


advancing their interests, in raising tank embankments, by which water 
would be preserved for the increase of cultivation. In this and other ways 
we were interesting ourselves in the advancement of the welfare of the 
people. It was submitted that the chiefs of Ajmeer possessed as good, if not 
better, means of cherishing their tenants than we enjoyed: that as they 
had been born under their guardianship, and were attached by ties of fond 
recollection to the chiefs and their native soil, the expedient of retaining 
their cultivators was simple. They had only to do towards them as we were 
doing towards the wild, untamed clans of Mairwara. In a word, if they 
closely followed our example, in freely conversing with the people, hearing 
their grievances, and relieving their wants, either through pecuniary 
advances, or in providing water for agricultural purposes, they were assured 
that prosperity would be the inevitable result of such praiseworthy conduct. 
This recommendation had the desired effect. A new light appeared to have 
come over the minds of the neighbouring Istimrardars. It had never before 
occurred to them to sympathize with the feelings of the people or to provide 
for the inequality of the seasons by husbanding up water, during the season 
of the rains, to be brought into remunerative use during dry weather. The 
Ryots and their rulers looked alone to a merciful Providence to mature their 
crops. Energy, perseverance, or a desire through personal labour to improve 
their circumstances did not actuate them. It is true there were a few 
tulaos spread thinly over the country, built by some liberal-minded chiefs at 
remote dates; but no systematic measures had been taken to develop the 
local resources of the district. The truth is, that in those days amelioration 
was not the custom. In the Khalsa, Jageer, and Istimrar villages, the Ryots 
were unaided and entirely left to their own limited means. If the seasons 
were propitious and the crops plentiful, it was due to a bountiful Providence. 
If drought prevailed, it was traceable to the same cause. The energies of the 
Thakoors of Mussooda and Khurwa had been roused to action. They had 
the option of retaining or losing their tenants. Their election was soon made 
in the choice of the former alternative. A commencement was accordingly 
made on some small embankments ; and, as success attended their operations, 
and the increase of the rent-roll repaid them for the outlay, the work of 
improvement was steadily continued. Each year contributed to the increase 
of agricultural means. Thus, in the course of twelve seasons, the estates of 
Mussooda and Khurwa have been enriched by ninety tulaos. Such of the 


INCREASED FACILITIES FOR AGRICULTURE. 


179 


zumeendars as had come over to ns, returned to till their ancestral lands, 
and since the systematic improvement of these estates was taken in hand, no 
single cultivator has quitted his village. Here, then, was an instance of the 
benefit arising from the force of example. It was palpably shown to be their 
interest to improve their estates, and example has wrought out ends which 
precept alone would have failed to elicit. Improvement next spread to 
Bandunwara, and through the eiglity-four towns and villages of the Bhinae 
purgunah, and thus, in the course of time, hastened by the example shown 
by the Khalsa villages, the improvement of the land became the engrossing 
consideration of the Ajmeer Sirdars and Jageerdars. The chiefs on the 
Maywar border had experienced a like inconvenience from the desertion of 
their cultivators. The necessity for putting their estates in order, and of 
affording the cultivators the same facilities for agriculture as had been 
accorded by us, speedily forced itself on their minds. The Thakoors of 
Roopnuggur, Ameth, Deogurh, Tal, Loosanee, and Budnor, have closely 
followed our example, in constructing numerous works of irrigation. In 
Marwar, the desire of the chiefs prompted them to this course; but their 
fears forbad it. They entertained apprehensions from the Durbar and 
its officers. The sum each chief contributes to the state is rated in 
reference to the assumed income of the estate. To increase that income 
would subject them to the avarice or caprice of the Durbar. Hence they 
preferred comparative poverty to an augmented income, accompanied with 
increased or rather undefined demands. The Superintendant had an 
opportunity, a few months since, of closely examining the Marwar Border 
villages, while demarking the boundary of Mairwara. The local facilities for 
the construction of works of irrigation are extremely numerous. At least a 
hundred tulaos might be profitably raised through the hundred miles of 
boundary; yet no single work of this nature was seen. The land, though 
rich, is thinly peopled : wild animals, as tigers and bears, occupying the hilly 
ground which should be tenanted by man. The villages below the hills 
would yield a revenue of a lakh of rupees, and support a large population. 
At the present time, the rents may be below 10,000 rupees. The Meywar 
nobles reposed confidence in their ruler; nor have they been disappointed. 
Through their exertions the eastern face of the hills is thickly populated, and 
holds a wide extent of cultivation. But this prosperity is limited to the 
skirts of the hills. Advancing some miles eastward into Meywar, the 

A A 2 


180 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


population is scanty, villages are far apart, and the cultivation confined 
within gun-shot of the habitations. The non-interference of the Rana of 
Oudeypore with his chiefs on the Mairwara border may perhaps arise from 
the natural strength of their respective towns, some of which are located in 
hill fastnesses. It is, however, matter of much regret that confidence is not 
established between the ruler and the subject. With just and equitable 
governments, the greater portion of Rajwara would prove as productive, and 
be as populous, as our own provinces in the Dooab. 

Towards the close of 1840, Colonel Sutherland made a tour of the Ajmeer 
district. The season had been extremely inauspicious; no rain having 
fallen until the first week in September, when the supply, during two days, 
was copious. Had means been taken to husband up this supply for the use 
of the rubbee, as had been done in Mairwara, Ajmeer would only have lost 
the khureef crop. But, as there were few reservoirs, and none attached to 
the Khalsa, save the Ramsur and Ajmeer lakes, the advantage accruing from 
this seasonable fall of rain were very restricted. The water had flowed 
off the soil, after a partial saturation, to fertilise other countries. The 
poverty and distressed condition of the people forced itself on the Colonel’s 
notice. There were few tanks, and the wells were only equal to the duty 
of watering a few beegahs of barley, scarcely promising support to the 
bullocks which watered the crop, without advertence to the provision of the 
Government rent, or food to the cultivator. This unsatisfactory state of 
things called for immediate amendment. For some years before this period, 
the Khalsa revenue had been yearly diminishing in amount. The revenue 
returns presented a descending progression. It was urged by the local 
authorities, that this untoward result was caused by a series of unfavourable 
seasons, and not from any want of energy on the part of the people, or the 
absence of attention on that of the district officers. The same seasons, 
however, had been experienced in Mairwara; yet there, the revenue returns 
were satisfactory, exhibiting a progressive increase. The contrast between 
the two districts was marked. In one, life and energy prevailed, and the 
people were industrious and content. In Ajmeer, poverty, inaction, and 
dissatisfaction were the characteristics of the people, who complained of the 
heaviness of the settlement. The Istimrardars, in like manner, urged that 
the payment of the Fouj-khurch was the great evil under which they were 
suffering. Their case was in due course submitted for the consideration of 


CONTRAST BETWEEN AJMEER AND MAIRWARA. 


181 


the Government. In respect to the Khalsa possessions, it appeared desirable 
that the initiative should at once be taken in anticipation of the Government 
sanction. It had been shown that the Mairwara arrangements, independently 
of providing employment to the people, and drilling them into rural habits 
of toil, had actually been remunerative to the State. The favourable 
result of our labours in that district was happily placed beyond the reach of 
cavil or doubt. To refer the subject for sanction would, at that late period 
of the season, have involved the loss of one year; since works of irrigation 
can only be constructed in the dry season. Colonel Sutherland was extremely 
solicitous that immediate measures should be taken to restore the prosperity 
of Ajmeer. He was of opinion, that the first step towards the desired state of 
amelioration was the repair of the old and the construction of new reservoirs. 
He was further desirous that the same course which had been so successfully 
observed towards the Mairs, in inducing them into steady habits of rural 
industry, should be carried out in the Ajmeer Khalsa lands. In furtherance 
of these intentions, the Superintendant of Mairwara was instructed to proceed 
into the Ajmeer district, and report on the local facilities for constructing 
tank embankments in the several Khalsa villages between Ajmeer and Beawr. 
These orders met a prompt compliance, and on the 26th of December, 1840, 
a full and detailed report was forwarded, embracing the construction and 
repair of thirty works, estimated to cost 55,507 rs. On the receipt of this 
report, orders were given for their immediate commencement; and thus was 
the first actual step in the improvement of Ajmeer taken. It is not unlikely 
that an application made in the regular course, for authority to raise works 
of irrigation, would have been received with cheerful acquiescence; but still, 
at that period, the advantages accruing from outlays on reproductive works 
were only partially known, or, if known, they were not properly appreciated. 
There was, at that time, an apparent indisposition shown to all propositions 
involving a disbursement of the public money, particularly when referring to 
works of agriculture, where the return was considered as prospective, if not 
problematical. For some years past, the subject has been fully appreciated, 
and the liberality of the Government in extending reproductive works has 
been unlimited. Colonel Sutherland, therefore, took the responsibility on 
himself, and having made a commencement on the good work of improve¬ 
ment, it became unnecessary to indulge in further considerations as to the 
advantages, or otherwise, of the proposition. The concurrence of Govern- 


182 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


ment was cheerfully accorded, and other measures referring to the immediate 
improvement of Ajmeer were matured and carried out. The Khalsa villages, 
then under the settlement made in 18^5, had the option given to them of 
throwing up their contracts. Such as availed themselves of this indulgence 
were placed under the Superintendant of Mairwara. In the meantime, as 
the works commenced on in 1841 were completed, more were sanctioned. 
Early in that year, Colonel Sutherland submitted for the consideration and 
approval of the Government that Ajmeer be placed under the charge of 
the Superintendant of Mairwara; that both districts continue under his 
general superintendence; and that, to aid him in the performance of the 
duties, which would thus be considerably augmented, he be granted one 
assistant for each district. The proposition received the acquiescence of the 
Government; and in February, 1842, on the Superintendant of Ajmeer being 
obliged, through sickness, to leave his post, the duties of that district devolved 
on the Superintendant of Mairwara. It is foreign to the purport of this brief 
sketch to enter minutely into a detail of all the measures that were taken 
to restore the prosperity of Ajmeer, and to place the district in the high 
position that was so anxiously desired, in reference to its isolation in the 
midst of the Raj war a States. It will be sufficient to observe, that the same 
course which characterised our labours in Mairwara were commenced de 
novo in Ajmeer. Every village was visited; the people, according to old 
custom, assembled under the awning at the Superintendant’s tent; the means 
and local capabilities of each village were discussed; places offering facilities 
for the construction of embankments, or for the sinking of wells, were 
examined; assistance was tendered to all in working out the amendment of 
their social condition; but, above all, the health, heart-content, and im¬ 
provement of station and respectability, which would inevitably result from 
an adherence to habits of industry and thrift, were inculcated on their minds. 
The people were quick in comprehending our intentions towards them, and 
having the example of the prosperity of Mairwara before them, eagerly 
entered into our plans. Embankments rose up in many places, giving fertility 
to a soil which heretofore had been barren and waste; new villages were 
located, wells were sunk where local advantages favoured the measure, and 
narees were constructed. In the course of a few brief months, Ajmeer threw 
off her lethargy. Life and energy pervaded each village. The Superintendant 
moved from place to place, encouraging the zealous and urging the inactive 


AJMEER AND MAIRWARA UNDER ONE SUPERINTEND ANT. 183 

to exertion. The calls on his time have been so unintermitted during the 
last twelve years, that he has passed the greater portion of that period in 
camp amongst the people. Thus, during the hot season, his attention was 
called to the superintendence of the works of irrigation in the course of 
construction; a tour was made in one or other district, and then a few days 
were passed at Ajmeer or Beawr for the discharge of the business that had 
accumulated during his temporary absence. During the rains, it was 
necessary to inspect the works; and closely examine the condition of each, 
after rain had fallen, and the tulaos were filled. Arrangements were then 
made for the improvement of works already constructed, and plans were 
matured for raising new embankments during the ensuing year. The cold 
weather was devoted to a tour of inspection through Ajmeer and Mairwara, 
where all subjects referring to the social condition and prosperity of the 
people claimed his attention. It may be matter of surprise to some, how one 
individual was able to bear the arduous duties imposed on him; having to 
superintend the construction of public works spreading over the country 
through a length of 150 miles; to give attention to customs and revenue 
details alike intricate in their nature and voluminous in their accounts, 
the villages being held Kham; to investigate and decide civil and criminal 
cases, and hear appeals from his assistants and the Suddur Ameens, 
independently of attending to the drill, discipline, and interior economy 
of his corps. The question is easy of solution. His heart and time had 
been wholly and unintermittedly enlisted in the public service. The duties 
that devolved on him were of a novel, as well as of a most interesting 
character. They embraced the conversion of a wild, predatory race, into an 
obedient and industrious peasantry; the maturing and completing arrangements 
by which the country would be ensured against drought, and the restoration 
of prosperity to Ajmeer. It is true, he was nominally toiling for the 
reputation of the government; but, in reality, he was labouring to ameliorate 
the social condition of the section of the human race committed to his charge. 
In all his arduous undertakings he has, from time to time, been cheered by 
the applause of the ruling authorities and the approbation of his conscience. 
His success, under Providence, is attributable to the cordial support afforded 
him by the people, to the untiring aid of his native officials, and to a total 
abstinence of interference or molestation on the part of superior authorities. 

It has been said, that the first step taken in the renovation of Ajmeer 


184 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


was the efficient repair of old, and the construction of new works of irrigation. 
A detail of the works which have been raised will be presently shown. A 
few of them fell under the observation of His Honor the Lieutenant 
Governor, North-Western Provinces, in his hasty tour through Ajmeer 
in the close of 1846. The particular works which he desired might be 
noticed in detail, will now be described. 

LOHURWARA TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The work at this village was selected by His Honor, as being a good 
specimen of the embankments which have been formed on the comparatively 
level lands of Ajmeer. It consists of an earthen embankment stretching 
across the plain, strengthened by a front retaining wall of lime masonry, to 
protect the earth from the action of the water. The soil in many villages in 
Ajmeer is so deficient in adhesiveness, from being intermixed with saline 
particles, that it has become indispensably necessary to defend the water face 
of the embankment by a thin retaining wall of masonry. The supply of 
water afforded to this tulao being restricted to the plain in its front, it was a 
subject of the first importance to provide for an increased income. This 
desideratum was offered in the nuddee which drains the Kajaosee Hills and 
intermediate spread of land, and traverses the Lohurwara boundary at the 
point now forming the left flank of the work. The stream which collects in 
this watercourse is very considerable during heavy rain; its source being 
about ten miles distant from the barrier which now obstructs it. Lohurwara 
would thus derive advantage from showers falling in the distant hills or 
intermediate country, as described in respect to the Burar Weirs; and thus, 
were no heavy rain to visit this village, it would be placed beyond the reach 
of drought by husbanding up the distant waters for the irrigation of its lands. 
The Survey Map, Plate No. 24, affords a comprehensive view of this 
extensive embankment, the right flank resting on the high ground adjoining 
the village, and the left, which embraces the nuddee, being supported by the 
weir extending towards the Hunooman Tulao. The intermediate space is 
occupied by the embankment. The weir, with its wings of masonry blocking 
up the stream, is confined within the letters H G. The embankment, with 
front protecting wall, is embraced within C F. F G denotes the embankments 
without a masonry wall. The front of the bund gradually slopes down 


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LOHURWARA TANK EMBANKMENT. 


185 


towards the water at a low angle, the soil being sweet *, and of so adhesive a 
quality as to require no extraneous support. Plate No. 25, giving a plan, 
section, and elevation, represents the work drawn on a larger scale. Its length 
from flank to flank is 7955 feet. The section through A B shows the thickness 
of the masonry and earthen bund. The foundation, resting on rock, has 
been sunk seven feet in depth, and filled in with Moorund lime masonry to a 
breadth of six feet. The superstructure, having a width of three feet, rises 
fourteen feet in height, when the wall, by a gradual decrease, is two feet in 
breadth at the top. The earthen embankment is 37 J feet broad at the base, 
gradually diminishing to 15 feet at the summit, through an elevation of 20 feet. 
The water-line mark rises within one foot of the top of the masonry, and two 
of the summit of the bund. Greater space was considered unnecessary; 
since the pressure is inconsiderable, while, exclusively of the wide outfalls, a 
rise of one foot at the bund would cause a great increase of expanse over the 
land to the front of the tulao. Small bastions have been placed at intervals 
of fifty yards apart. It has further been furnished with three graduated 
sluices for the irrigation of the lands to the rear. On the tulao being filled, 
the water spreads from the weir to the zumeendaree tank on the right, from 
which an outlet has been cut through the crest of the hill for the escape of some 
of the spare water which flows over the plain to the rear into the Rampoora 
Tulao. The construction of the embankment, with its front retaining wall, 
beyond maintaining an exact level, required little engineering skill. Its great 
length, a mile and a half in span, was the chief obstacle to be overcome, 
owing to scarcity of fuel for calcining the lime. Our chief attention was 
applied in the construction of the weir, which must be built of the best 
materials, and sufficiently stable to sustain the pressure of a large volume of 
water, which, on attaining an assigned elevation, would flow over the outfall. 
Particular care was further required that the level of the superior surface of 
the weir correspond to the required elevation of the embankment; for any 
deviation from the true line would either flood the tulao, or retain too 
little water within it. A plan, section, and elevation of the weir are given in 
Plate No. 25. Its length from G to H is eight hundred feet and six inches. 
The foundation in part rests on rock cropping out of the bed of the nuddee. 
Its section through the line b b is shown, having a breadth at the base of four 
feet and a half, with an elevation of five feet. The width of the masonry 


* That is, not impregnated with salt. 


186 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


at the summit is only two feet; the rear face of the wall presenting a slope, 
over which the water flows during floods. The line through a a gives a 
section of the masonry at that point. The foundation is sunk four feet to 
rock and hard soil, and has a breadth of five feet and a half. The super¬ 
structure, having a breadth of four feet and a half, is raised four feet high, of 
the same thickness; from that point the slope of the chuddur commences, 
the masonry at the top being two feet broad. The water-way has been left 
very considerably wider than the span of the nuddee, that the floods may have 
ample room to escape. On an extraordinary rise of the nuddee, the water 
flows over the wings of the weir one foot above the water-way in the centre. 
The masonry forming the wings of the weir is carried out sufficiently 
far right and left to guard against the nuddee forcing a new bed for its 
passage. The ends are well dovetailed into a bank of earth at either end, 
watered, and well-beaten down into a compact mass. 

The work was commenced in 1843 and completed in three years, its cost 
being as follows: — 

Rs. As. Pie. 

111,771 cubic feet of lime masonry - 4592 11 5 

1,364,160 do. of earth. 2900 2 0 

93,184 do. of excavation of earth, rock, and kunkur, 

for outlet for spare water - 250 6 0 

Total expense of the Lohurwara Tank embankment - 7743 3 5 

During the first year, work was restricted to throwing up the earthen 
embankment, and to the provision of stone. Water was extremely scarce, 
and it was desirable the earthen bund should have the advantage of a season 
of the rains, by which it would be well soaked before the front wall was built. 
The nuddee was untouched, and openings were left in the bund for the escape 
of the rain-water collected in the bed of the tulao, as far as was requisite. 
This course has been adopted in all the works of Ajmeer, where the land was 
level, and no nuddee or nullah was to be immediately closed. The em¬ 
bankment, by being submitted to the action of the rains, absorbs much water, 
clods swell and break, and the hollows and interstices in the earth sink from 
the superincumbent weight; while the whole bund becomes one consistent 
mass, possessing the ability to withstand the pressure of the water. As with 
respect to Mairwara, embanking is done by contract; Beldars being paid 
at the rate of three annas and one pie the hundred cubic feet. At works 
having a considerable elevation, or where the earth has to be carried from a 
distance, the price is increased four, eight, or twelve annas for the same 




LOHURWARA TANK EMBANKMENT. 


187 


measurement. Local circumstances alone can regulate prices. Stone was 
furnished by contract at the rate of nine cubic yards the rupee. In the 
Ramsur purgunah, stone is dug with much difficulty; the quarries being 
below the level of the soil. In the Rajgurh and Ajmeer purgunahs, hills 
are plentiful, and the stone is easily excavated. The lime used here, and at 
all other works in this district, is the Moorund kunkur. Y eins of granular 
limestone are numerous in the hills, but useless for our purposes, from the 
difficulty of procuring wood for its calcination. Wood is extremely scarce. 
Jungle trees have long since disappeared. Fuel for domestic use and for 
burning lime is furnished from the roots of trees, or from dried cow-dung. 
Kunkur and fuel are provided at contract rates; the lime being burnt by 
ourselves. Workmen and labourers received the rates of wages, as noticed in 
respect to the Kabra tulao; the interior management of the works being 
according to the course observed in Mairwara. 

Lohurwara, before the construction of its tulao, was constantly suffering 
from drought. Its wells yielded a small supply of brackish water; while the 
nuddee was too remote and rapid in its transit to influence the springs. 
The wants of the people have now been relieved. They command a wide 
spread of water, covering seven hundred beegahs, which, with the wells, 
irrigates all land to the rear of the bund. The wells, through filtration, are 
filled within a few feet of the surface, the water being sweet. Allowing, 
therefore, the rains to be extremely light, cultivation in the bed of the tulao, 
added to the land irrigated from their wells, supplied with unfailing springs, 
would be sufficient to support its inhabitants. But were one heavy shower to 
fall within the area of its extensive feeder, the tulao would be at once filled; 
and, though there might be little, or indeed no Buranee cultivation, the 
irrigated crops of cotton, Indian corn, wheat, and barley, would provide the 
people and cattle with food and forage; the spare produce realising at 
drought prices a return more remunerative than during a favourable season, 
when all the lands are productive, but prices low. 

Many works in the Ramsur purgunah, where the surface is level, are 
similar in construction to the one under notice. They essentially consist of 
earthen embankments of low elevation, having a front protecting wall of 
masonry, and provided with sluices according to exigence. Advantage is 
taken of any neighbouring nuddee, to turn its waters into the different tulaos. 
Indeed, so great has been our anxiety to increase the feeders, that every 

B B 2 


188 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


watercourse passing over the Khalsa lands has been appropriated to our 
particular use. In the same spirit of economy, the water issuing from the 
outfall of one tulao is, by contrivances regulated according to local cir¬ 
cumstances, carefully conducted to the next work below its level. As the 
tulaos in Ramsur are similar in form, so are they alike in the extent of their 
usefulness. Every village has been provided with the ability to retain the 
rain-water ; and, as far as human means avail, they have been placed beyond 
the reach of drought. 


DURATHOO TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The Durathoo Embankment offers a good sample of a large work, 
embracing extent of length combined with solidity of materials. Its nature 
will be comprehended on referring to Plate No. 26., in which the plan, 
section, and elevation are shown. It consists of a massive wall of lime 
masonry strengthened by large bastions of the same material, and supported 
by a broad embankment of earth, which is maintained in its position, or 
rather protected from injury from heavy rain, by a rear retaining wall of 
masonry. The intention of the bund is to arrest the course of the nuddee, and 
collect the water into one body for purposes of irrigation. The watercourse 
closed up, drains a portion of the eastern face of the range of hills between 
Nusseerabad and Ajmeer, and the intermediate country, spreading over an 
area of about forty square miles. During heavy rains, the stream swells 
to the size of a powerful mountain torrent. To withstand so great a pressure, 
it was necessary to raise a barrier proportionably strong and stable. During 
the first year of work, our attention was given to raising that portion of the 
bund confined within the letters G H of the plan, which embraces the nuddee. 
Each flank of this division of the embankment rests on the slope of the hills. 
The length between these two points is 1330 feet. The foundation, fifteen 
feet in breadth, exclusively of the projecting bastions, was dug down to the 
rock where practicable, varying from six, ten, to fifteen feet. The bed of the 
nuddee presented many obstacles. It was formed of loose river-sand. As 
far as means permitted, the sand was excavated until the great income of 
water interrupted the work. As all promise of attaining the rock became 
hopeless, it was requisite to arrange for the increased stability of the fabric, 
by throwing out five bastions towards the water. Their foundation was dug 
in a straight line across the span of the nuddee, thus widening the foundation 














































































































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DURATHOO TANK EMBANKMENT. 


189 


wall to twenty-five feet. A few yards of trench were then partitioned off, 
and as many hands as could be applied baled out the water, in view to 
deepening the foundation. The work was continued, and the sand removed, 
until at length a greater depth could not be attained. The trench thus 
cleared, was filled in by unslaked lime and stones thrown in promiscuously. 
The foundation having been filled in, in this manner, to the water-mark line, 
another division of the trench was submitted to the same process. In this 
way, the lower part of the foundation was laid. Upon its upper surface 
a series of solid arches was thrown ; the centerings were first moulded, formed 
of the best lime mortar and schistose stone, reaching across the bed of the 
nuddee. The masonry was copiously watered, and, in due course, the arches 
were turned over the centerings, constituting one entire mass. The masonry 
having been raised a few feet above the bed of the nuddee, the bastions were 
marked out, and the breadth of masonry reduced to the form the elevation 
would assume, as shown in the elevation corresponding to the plan G H. The 
section through the line C D shows the thickness of the masonry and earth. 
The superstructure, having a breadth at the base of fifteen feet, gradually 
decreases as it rises; small ledges being left towards the water-face. It 
is carried to a height of thirty feet, exclusive of foundation ; the width of the 
masonry being reduced to seven feet six inches at the top. The earthen 
embankment is seventy feet broad at the base, gradually decreasing as it 
ascends through an elevation of thirty feet to twenty feet at the summit. 
The rear retaining wall, three feet and a half broad at the base, and two and 
a half at the summit, is seven feet and a half high. During the first year, the 
superstructure was carried to a height of twenty-four feet. On the second 
year of work, it became necessary to complete its elevation to its present 
height, thirty feet, and to throw out an embankment to the right beyond the 
small hill on the right flank of the original bund, to retain the water which, 
during the first year of its construction, had been allowed to pass away 
unobstructed. The new fine of bund is comprised within the letters E F 
of the plan. It consists of a wall of masonry to the front, strengthened by 
bastions, and supported by an earthen embankment to its rear, protected 
by a small retaining wall; the thickness of the masonry and earthen bund 
being less than that of the larger work closing the nuddee. The section 
through A B gives a profile of the work. The foundation of the front wall 
of masonry has been sunk twelve feet, having a breadth of ten feet. The 


190 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


superstructure, by gradual decrease through an elevation of twenty-two feet 
and a half, is four feet broad at the top. The earthen bund, having a base of 
forty-eight feet, diminishes in its ascent twenty-two feet and a half to 
thirteen feet at the surface. The small rear retaining wall, two feet and 
a half and two feet in breadth, is four feet high. Five sluices with graduated 
apertures have been made in the entire work. It will be observed that 
ample provision has been made for the escape of the spare water through 
three separate outfalls, giving a united width of 560 feet. These outfalls 
are placed on the same level; the spare water commencing to flow over them 
when the water of the tulao is four feet below the upper line of masonry. 
The Survey Plan, Plate No. 27., affords a fair delineation of this grand 
work, with its broad spread of water, covering an area of one thousand 
beegahs, and having a depth of twenty-six feet, of the sluices conducting the 
water through the kucha drains made by the cultivators to the distant crops, 
and of the three outfalls, or chuddurs, easing the tulao of the spare water 
which flows into the Lohurwara tank. The nuddee from the Rajaosee range, 
which constitutes its principal feeder, is shown to the rear, D I. Also a cut 
or aqueduct sunk through an adjacent rise or hill, extending 2100 feet in 
length, with a breadth of from six to four feet; the greatest depth in 
the rock, micaceous schist, being from seven to eleven feet. The sole of this 
conduit is five feet below the summit of the masonry bund. Hence, on the 
tulao filling, the surplus water pours through the channel to the depth 
of a foot, before the chuddurs begin to play. The intention of this channel 
is to contribute its supply to the Ramsur lake, eight miles distant, and 
thus assist in providing water, should heavy rain fall within the area 
of the Durathoo feeder, without any being experienced within the water¬ 
shed line of the Ramsur basin. Thus, by this arrangement, a portion of 
the spare water from the Durathoo tulao is conducted through an incision 
in the intermediate hill, and falls into the Ramsur basin. 

The work was commenced in 1843-44, and completed, with exception to 
some necessary additions, in three years. Stone was dug and carted by 
contract. The lime is Moorund kunkur; partly furnished by contract at the 
rate of 11 rs. 4 as. the one hundred maunds, and partly prepared by ourselves. 
The embankment was thrown up, under contract prices, by Beldars in the 
usual manner. Various sections through the zumeendaree drains are given 
in the Survey Map, Plate No. 27. 





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DURATHOO TANK EMBANKMENT. 


191 


The cost of the work is as follows: — 


Rs. As. Pie. 

365,926 cubic feet of lime masonry - 18,184 3 3 


75,092 

do. 

of kucba pucca masonry 

2125 

10 

0 

17,310 

do. 

of dry stone masonry 

645 

8 

0 

1,476,990 

do. 

of earth 

4515 

0 

0 

75,700 

do. 

of rock excavated for channel - 

525 

0 

0 


Total expenditure of the Durathoo embankment - 25,995 5 3 


It has been shown that the length of the two embankments is 3106 feet 
6 inches; the height of the front walls from the foundation to the summit 
being respectively forty-five and thirty-four feet and a half. The large 
outlay upon this work is alone attributable to its great bulk; holding 2,011,018 
cubic feet of masonry and embankment. The charge for the lime masonry is 
very reasonable; the scarcity of fuel and the proximity of the cantonment 
being taken into consideration; the rate being below six rupees the one 
hundred cubic feet. The same remark applies to the purchase of stone, and 
to the throwing up of the embankment. The filling in of the foundation 
on the bund GHwas commenced about the end of February, 1843. In 
the course of three months and a half, the masonry was raised thirty-nine 
feet in height, when the rains commenced, and its goodness was immediately 
put to the test. The tulao filled to the overflowing point, presenting a large 
spread of water. The bund leaked at first, as is the case with all new 
works until the masonry sets, and the embankment settles down. But 
no fissures were apparent in the front wall, which had to sustain the whole of 
the pressure of the water. Towards the close of the season, the leakage was 
much diminished, until, in the course of consolidation, it nearly disappeared. 

On referring to the Drainage Map of the Rajaosee Hills, Plate No. 28., 
the proximity of the cantonment of Nusseerabad to this work will be re¬ 
marked. A portion of its water falls within the boundary line, but without 
causing any inconvenience to the authorities. On the contrary, the presence 
of a large body of water on the verge of the cantonment, where water is so 
scarce, is a matter of positive convenience. It is within a short distance of 
the Suddur Bazaar, and affords the means for bathing, the washing of 
clothes, and watering of cattle. Trout find their way up by the streams 
from the Bunas river, and are plentiful in the Durathoo and Jugpoora 
Tulaos, thus offering recreation to the angler. One of the first fruits 




192 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


accruing from the construction of this tulao was the building of a bazaar in 
the village of Durathoo. In other respects, its size has been considerably 
increased. The whole of the lands of Durathoo below the bed of the tank 
fall under its irrigation; the supply of water is so great that it has not been 
dry since the nuddee was first closed. The springs of the numerous wells in 
and about this flourishing village are moreover unfailing in their supply, 
through filtration. The Durgah villages of Beouja and Dilwara have been 
much benefited by this work, inasmuch as part of the bed of the tulao 
appertains to them. The interior details of work, check and examination of 
accounts, disbursement of wages, &c., were conducted agreeably to the course 
observed in Mairwara. 


SREENUGGUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 

The work constructed near the kusbah of Sreenuggur is not unlike the 
Kabra and Loosanee embankments in Mairwara, as to compactness of form 
and great solidity. The tulao, bunds, town, aqueducts, and a portion of the 
cultivation, are shown in the Survey Map, Plate No. 29. The nuddee which 
drains the eastern face of the Sreenuggur hills passed between the two hills 
indicated by the letters E F. That watercourse has been closed by building 
up a stupendous barrier of masonry and earth, closing up the gorge in the 
hill, and forming a beautiful mountain lake. There was an ancient work of 
inconsiderable dimensions, contained between the letters HI, filled by the 
small streams carrying off the drainage of the hills to the west. The main 
feeder did not reach this small work. On the elevation of the bund, E F, to 
a considerable height, the valley confined within the hills became an 
extensive reservoir, whereby the small tulao, H I, was embraced. It became 
necessary to give this work additional strength, proportioned to the pressure 
it would have to sustain. The chuddur, or outfall for the escape of the spare 
water, is denoted between the letters H G. The aqueducts of lime masonry 
conducting the water from the sluices to the kucha drains, are shown in rear 
of the bund E F, passing along the slope of the hills, that to the right hand 
conveying the water by one of its branches across the bed of the stream to 
join the channel to the left. This brief detail may serve to make the Survey 
Map intelligible. The plan, sections, and elevation of the work are made 
apparent in Plate No. 30. E F is the main bund which closes the gorge in 
the hills. The section through A B gives a profile through that portion of 




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SREENUGGUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 


193 


the work. The foundation has been sunk thirteen feet in depth. On the 
right and left it rests on hard rock; in the centre it is occupied by the bed of 
the nuddee, where we were subjected to the same inconvenience as has been 
detailed in respect to the Durathoo Nuddee. The soil (pebbles and sand) was 
excavated to the depth of thirteen feet below the level of the ground, when, in 
consequence of the large income of the water, a further depth could not be 
attained. Additional strength was afforded to the work by throwing out 
four massive bastions towards the water. Its breadth, exclusive of the 
bastions, is eighteen feet. On reaching the water-line mark, solid arches were 
raised over the span of the nuddee. Broad ledges have been left in the 
superstructure towards the water-face, by which the masonry gradually 
decreases in course of its elevation, twenty-six feet, to seven and a half feet at 
the summit. Immediately to the rear of the lime masonry is a dry stone 
wall without cement, having a breadth from thirty to twelve feet, with an 
elevation of fifteen feet, built in view to give stability to the front wall. It 
is formed of slaty stone, packing close. This wall of dry stone is connected 
to a rear wall of lime masonry by several perpendicular ribs of masonry. To 
the rear and above this support is an earthen embankment, its breadth at the 
base being sixty-three feet, and gradually decreasing to its summit, where it 
is twenty-one feet. Two retaining walls are shown in the section, seven feet 
in height and two and a half feet in breadth, to preserve the earthen bund 
from injury during heavy rain. To the rear of the outer retaining wall, a 
pavement of dry stone, twelve feet in breadth and three feet in depth, has 
been laid, in view to prevent the soil in rear of the bund from being cut up 
by heavy rain or injured by leakage, thereby strengthening the whole fabric. 
The water rises within four feet of the summit of the masonry at the bund, 
when the surplus passes over the chuddur or outfall in the centre of the line 
GH, its breadth being ninety-six feet. The length of the main embank¬ 
ment is 436 feet, which, with the addition of the outfall and its wings, is 
increased to 917 feet. The sluices are shown in the plan and elevation. 
Towards the water, the openings are defended by hollow bastions perforated 
with apertures. The channels through the work are built of the best 
masonry. On reaching the outside, the water is received in sluices or small 
reservoirs of masonry, and is thence conducted through the aqueducts of 
masonry to the zumeendaree drains. A section is shown in the Survey Map 
of the masonry channel, No. 1., across a b. It is six feet broad at the base, 


194 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


and two feet thick. Upon this foundation rise the side walls, one foot thick 
and two and a half feet high, forming a water-way four feet broad, and two 
and a half feet deep. This channel is continued through a length of 1525 
feet. A section of the masonry drain on the left of the bund is shown on the 
line No. 2. Its water-way is two feet broad, with a depth of two feet 
and three quarters, its length being 270 feet. The plan and section of the 
old embankment are shown in Plate No. 30. The front masonry wall having 
been sunk ten feet, is fifteen feet in breadth. Its superstructure, by gradual 
decrease through twelve feet of elevation, is seven feet broad at the surface. 
The earthen bund, having a base of ninety feet, has a breadth of forty feet at 
the summit. This old work is 803^ feet in length. Both the masonry and 
embankment have been increased in view to its stability. The chuddur, 
including wings on the right and left, is 481 feet long. The masonry 
flanking the outfall is inconsiderable in size, as it is built on the rock and has 
only to retain a few feet of water. The supply of water in the tulao is so 
great, that it has not been dry since its construction. It was commenced in 
1843-4, and finished in three years. The expenditure was as follows : 


172,434 cubic feet of lime masonry 


Rs. 

9,232 


As. Pie. 
5 2 


144,930 

do. 

of dry stone masonry 

- 

3,116 

8 

9 

3,840 

do. 

of rock excavations for 

aqueducts - 

100 

0 

0 

561,140 

do. 

of earth 

- 

2,200 

0 

0 

Total expenditure of the Sreenuggur 

tank embankment - 

14,648 

13 

11 


Before the construction of this work, Sreenuggur was constantly liable 
to drought. It possessed numerous wells, but, owing to the absence of an 
under-current, the springs were extremely limited. This inconvenience has 
now been rectified. By the raising of this bund, coupled with other 
arrangements for the increase of its agriculture, the rain which falls on the 
area of its boundary is carefully preserved for use in the dry season. 

On the ground now occupied by the bed of the tulao were several wells 
with their fields. Before commencing on the bund, the first consideration 
was to provide the owners with land in exchange for that which would be 
submerged. This was done by the elders of the Kusbah, and after their 
razeenameh had been signed and accepted, the work was begun. In carrying 
out improvement in both districts, it has frequently happened that the 
interests of some portion of the cultivators have suffered by the submersion 







SECTION thro 'Alt 


r.rc,m Gmejpond with the same letters on the 
Survey Map. 

J Ort/jin/d and Natural bed' of the, St ream 


AJ IV! EER. 


SECTION till'd' CD 



ELEVATION 

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SCALE. 

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SREENUGGUR TANK EMBANKMENT. 


195 


of their lands. In all such cases, the sufferers are first provided for. This 
effected, the land falling within the sphere of irrigation is divided amongst 
the whole community, sometimes by making a new division according to the 
ploughs maintained by each; at other times, the people retain part of their 
own land, which is converted from Buranee to Tulabee, giving up the 
remainder and receiving other Buranee land in exchange. As far as may be 
practicable, an equitable division of the irrigated land is effected. Ten 
beegahs of Tulabee land to each plough is considered a fair allowance for one 
family. The cultivator may have from twenty to thirty beegahs of rain- 
watered land for the khureef, besides a smaller portion to be sown with grain. 
The extent of the tulabee lands and the number of ploughs amongst which it 
is to be partitioned, regulates the quantity accruing to each individual. 
Matters of this kind are determined by Punchayut amongst themselves. 
Their decision is so fair, that dissatisfaction is a rare occurrence. 

On the filling of the Sreenuggur tulao, the surplus water goes to fill the 
Julaora and Ranee Saugor tanks, four miles to its east. On their being 
filled, the spare water is again taken to the Kanpoora tulao. Its surplus 
water, after falling into the nuddee, is then conducted into other tulaos. 
The same course obtains throughout the khalsa lands. Every available 
watercourse has been turned to profitable account. This system may be 
better understood by a Drainage Map. Plate No. 28. presents such a 
delineation, embracing the basin of drainage from the hills to the west of the 
Nusseerabad cantonment. This range is a continuation of the Arabala chain, 
the water on the eastern face flowing into the Chumbul river, while that to 
the west wends its course through Marwar to the Run. On the right of the 
map we have the watercourses which drain the hills to the front, feeding the 
two tulaos at Bulwunta; to their right is the Jatea work. These three 
tanks, as well as those of Dilwara, are filled by minor streams, the great 
nuddee being unmolested until obstructed by the Durathoo embankment. 
Its surplus water is again arrested by the Lohurwara weir to fill its tulao. 
After passing this barrier, it proceeds by Rampoora, whose tank is provided 
with part of the spare water of Lohurwara, and traverses through the 
Istimrar purgunah of Bhinae and the Kishengurh territory into that of 
Jeypore. The nuddee from Rajaosee, avoiding the two works at Nandla, is 
arrested in its course by the Jugpoora embankment, whose surplus water 
goes to fill the Lohurwara tulao. The nuddee rising at Rajgurh supplies its 


196 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


own two tanks, and, contributing a portion of its waters to intermediate 
works, joins the main nuddee below the Lohurwara weir. 

The watercourses of the district of Ajrneer have been thus usefully 
appropriated, within a few miles of the hills in which they take their rise: the 
larger nuddees are closed to form expansive tulaos. On proceeding beyond 
ten or twelve miles in their course, the bunding up such a watercourse 
would involve a large expenditure, far beyond the means of Istimrardars or 
Jageerdars. Such barriers might be profitably raised by the Government, 
should their khalsa lands predominate around the reach of such a work. If 
otherwise, there might be much difficulty experienced in inducing Istimrardars 
and Jageerdars to join in the undertaking. Nor is the necessity for them 
great, for the more distant the nuddee from its source, the greater the supply 
of water: hence the soil becomes saturated, and is provided with an under 
current, admitting of the sinking of numerous wells along its banks. The 
higher lands, or those beyond the influence of well irrigation, are rendered 
productive by raising smaller embankments, fed by the rain falling on the 
broad plain or supplied by nullahs. By this arrangement, and by sinking 
wells behind the smaller embankments, provision is made for the cultivation 
of the rubbee crop in each distinct village. 


197 


CHAPTER XV. 

PROGRESS OF IMPROVEMENT IN AJMEER. — FINANCIAL RESULTS. — JUSTICE OF 
RETAINING MARWAR AND METWAR MAIR VILLAGES UNDER BRITISH PROTECTION. — 
REASONS FOR PREPARING THIS SKETCH. 

It has been observed that in the beginning of 1841, the improvement of 
Ajmeer was commenced on by the construction of tank embankments. As 
the works were raised, full reports, embracing the particulars of each tulao, 
with the expenditure, were forwarded to the government, when sanction for 
additional embankments was solicited and accorded. Improvement has made 
such steady progress from that time, that all the capabilities of the khalsa 
lands, so far as refer to the large works of irrigation, have been completely 
developed. The subjoined table exhibits the extent of the works, showing 
the quantity of land submerged, and that which is directly brought under 
irrigation, on the tulaos being filled to the overflowing point. 


List of Tank Embankments constructed in Ajmeer. 


Number. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Villages and Embank¬ 
ments. 

Spread of Water 
in the Bed of 
Tanks in local 
Beegahs. 

Lands cultivated in 
the Rear and Front 
of Tanks. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In 

Acres. 

1 


Ajmeer Anasaugur - 

1800 

1250 

500 

Most of the tulaos in this 

2 


Do. Beesla - 

300 

350 

140 

purgunah supply the 

3 


Do. Choruseawas 

150 

100 

40 

springs of wells, inde- 

4 


Do. Kankurdeh - 

40 

35 

14 

pendent of direct irriga- 

5 

<v 

Do. Chilla Beebee 

80 

200 

80 

tion. 

6 

<x> 

a 

Do. Kiraneepoora 

600 

500 

200 


7 


Akhree - 

600 

450 

180 


8 


Boodhol - 

220 

245 

98 


9 


Burlah - 

200 

250 

100 


10 


Chacheawas - 

150 

170 

68 


11 


Ghoogra - 

125 

150 

60 















198 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA 





U 

+2 o S 

Lands cultivated in 


c 

<D 

& 

g 

rC 

c3 

3 

3 

Names of Villages and Embank- 

^ cu "g ^ 

rn S cd 

o ** bD 

the Rear and Front 
of Tanks. 

Remarks. 

3 


ments. 

0) 73 

r* kA 

Jin rH ,03 



£ 

3 

Ph 


In local 

In 





a,.5 H 
cc 

Beegahs. 

Acres. 


12 


Goodha Goreawas 

60 

20 

8 


13 


Ladpoora - 

75 

100 

40 


14 


Lohagul Murehta 

25 

125 

50 


15 


Do., 2d 

225 

200 

80 


16 


Makurwalee Chutreewalah 

100 

125 

50 


17 

Ph 

0) 

Do. Cheetakhan - 

30 

45 

18 


18 

<U 

a 

Mohamee - 

250 

285 

114 


19 

Nareilee - 

200 

225 

90 


20 


Rusoolpoora - 

200 

200 

80 


21 


Sirana - 

30 

80 

32 


22 


Tilornean - 

600 

450 

180 


23 


Ururka Sekolak 

350 

280 

112 


24 


Do. Dadolaee 

250 

225 

90 




Total 

6660 

6060 

2424 


1 


Aheran - 

600 

200 

80 

The cultivation would be 

2 


Burol - 

400 

250 

100 

much more extensive in 

3 


Chandolaee - 

400 

450 

180 

Ramsur purgunak but 

4 


Danta - - - 

175 

200 

80 

for the saltness of the 

5 


Deolea - 

80 

30 

12 

soil. 

6 


Dhal .... 

200 

150 

60 


7 


Hathee Bhuta - 

300 

225 

90 


8 


Hunwuntea Lakhola - 

400 

300 

120 


9 


Julaora - 

700 

500 

200 


10 


Jatea - 

125 

100 

40 


11 


Kekree Kesola - 

200 

75 

30 


12 


Do. Machola 

350 

250 

100 


13 


Do. Naree Neel - 

100 

125 

50 


14 


Do. Gundela 

100 

50 

20 


15 


Do. Bura Tulao - 

250 

— 

— 

For the use of the town. 

16 

3 

Kanpoora - 

300 

200 

80 


17 

a 

Luvera Modee - 

500 

500 

200 


18 

Ph 

Lohurwara ... 

700 

400 

160 


19 

Maosa, 1st 

650 

300 

120 


20 


Do. Hurkea - 

40 

50 

20 


21 


Neepolee • 

250 

150 

60 


22 


Pkarkea, 1st - 

125 

125 

50 


23 


Do. Burwalah » 

75 

50 

20 


24 


Ramsur, 1st 

3,000 

2,000 

800 


25 


Do. Dund Tulao 

550 

500 

200 


26 


Do. Rambaree - 

250 

160 

64 


27 


Do. Lucheepoora 

750 

500 

200 


28 


Do. Kesurpoora Peer 







Mohub Allee 

225 

200 

80 


29 


Do. Kuleanpoora 

225 

125 

50 


30 


Do. Buheran 

350 

175 

70 


31 


Do. Bhugwuntpoora 

300 

300 

120 


32 


Rampoora Chubootrawalah 

200 

150 

60 



























LIST OF TANK EMBANKMENTS IN AJMEER. 


199 


Number. 

Purgunahs. 

Names of Villages and Embank 
ments. 


Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks, in local 

Beegahs. 

Lands cultivated in 
the Rear and Front 
of Tanks. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In 

Acres. 

33 


Soorujpoora 

- 

400 

200 

80 


34 


Sreenuggur Dhoobee Ghata 

300 

450 

180 


35 


Sunodh - 

- 

250 

375 

150 


36 

3 

m 

Soeela ... 

- 

300 

250 

100 


37 

a 

Sudapore - 

- 

400 

250 

100 


38 

P3 

Sanprodah 

- 

300 

250 

100 


39 


Telana ... 

- 

250 

250 

100 


40 


Tebaree - 

- 

1,000 

500 

200 




Total 

- 

16,070 

11,315 

4526 


1 


Brigcbeawas Palundea 

. 

300 

250 

100 

As with respect to the 

2 


Do., 2d 

- 

400 

300 

120 

Ajmeer purgunah, many 

3 


Bbeempoora Roopakehra 

- 

50 

40 

16 

of the works herein enu- 

4 


Do., 2d 

- 

200 

100 

40 

merated are extremely 

5 


Bitboor Kasea - - * 

- 

250 

250 

100 

useful in supplying the 

6 


Bulwunta, 1st * 

- 

250 

250 

100 

springs of wells. 

7 


Do., 2d - 

- 

100 

100 

40 


8 


Bbaouta - 

- 

200 

100 

40 


9 


Durathoo, 1st - 

- 

1000 

700 

280 


10 


Do. Jugpoora - 

- 

500 

500 

200 


11 


Do. Chat 

- 

250 

200 

80 


12 


Do. Hunooman 

- 

150 

140 

56 


13 


Gola Doodhlee - 

- 

350 

200 

80 


14 


Do. Jhuroka - 

- 

150 

75 

30 


15 


Huttoondee 

- 

80 

70 

28 


16 


Jethana Samla Tulao 

- 

500 

150 

60 


17 


Do. Dund Tulao - 

- 

100 

40 

16 


18 


Do. Khokra 

- 

30 

30 

12 


19 

3 

Do. Modee - 

- 

40 

40 

16 


20 

bjO 

Do. Doorlaee 

- 

300 

200 

80 


21 


Do. Dowlutgurh - 

- 

150 

100 

40 


22 


Kesurpoora 

- 

150 

125 

50 


23 


Kuklana - 

- 

40 

40 

16 


24 


Kalesra - 

- 

170 

— 

— 


25 


Myapoor - 

- 

30 

30 

12 


26 


Mukreira - 

- 

225 

125 

50 


27 


Do. Weir 

- 

40 

— 

— 


28 


Nagelao Chheelur 

- 

650 

650 

260 


29 


Do. Bareah Ulee 

- 

125 

125 

50 


30 


Do. Sadoollah 

- 

300 

150 

60 


31 


Do. Naree Bareab Ulee 

30 

60 

24 


32 


Do. Dund Tulao 

- 

130 

70 

28 


33 


Nahurpoora 

- 

50 

40 

16 


34 


Nandla, 1st 

- 

225 

200 

80 


35 


Do. Jalea - 

- 

250 

80 

32 


36 


Near an - 

- 

800 

600 

240 


37 


Nooreawas Burwalah 

- 

150 

150 

60 


38 


Rajgurh Gopa Baolee 

- 

200 

250 

100 

i 

































200 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Number. 

J. 

*3 

c 

3 

SO 

h 

Names of Villages and Embank¬ 
ments. 

Spread of Water 

in the Bed of 

Tanks, in local 

Beegahs. 

Lands cultivated in 
the Rear and Front 
of Tanks. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In 

Acres. 

i 39 


Rajgurh Chuturbilas - 

150 

50 

20 

1 

1 40 


Do. Maholah 

100 

60 

24 


41 


Sradhna, 1st 

500 

150 

60 


42 


Do. Bareah Natha 

40 

40 

16 

. 

43 

h 

3 

Do. Sooltanea - 

80 

40 

16 


44 

fcc 

'5 s 

Tubeejee Dund Tulao 

15 

15 

6 


45 


Do. Jalea Do. 

10 

10 

4 


46 


Do. Neechulla - 

15 

15 

6 


47 


Unsooree - 

120 

150 

60 


48 


Urjunpoora ... 

40 

50 

20 




Total 

9985 

7110 

2844 

j 


Abstract. 


No. of j 
Tank Em- ; 
bankments. 1 

Names of Villages and Embank¬ 
ments. 

Spread of Water 
in the Bed of 
Tanks, in local 
Beegahs. 

Lands cultivated in 
the Rear and Front 
of Tanks. 

Remarks. 

In local 
Beegahs. 

In 

Acres. 

24 

Ajmeer - 

6,660 

6,060 

2424 


40 

Ramsur - - - - 

16,070 

11,315 

4526 


48 

Rajgurh - 

9,985 

7,110 

2844 



Total 

32,715 | 

24,485 

9794 

| 


N. B. The Ajmeer beegah is equal to 1936 square yards, or 2^ Ajmeer beegahs are equal to 

one acre. 


We have thus one hundred and twelve embankments spreading over the 
Khalsa lands. The Beesla was built some centuries ago, by Beesul deo Chushan, 
Baja of Ajmeer; the Ana Saugor was constructed by his son, Anajee; and the 
Ramsur Lake was raised by Rama Deo of Dhar in Sumbut 1580. The 
remainder is the growth of the last few years. Plate No. 31.* presents a 
faithful delineation of the Ana Saugor Lake, the buildings on the bund 
occupied as residences and offices by the Superintendant and his assistant, 
and the beautiful mountain scenery to its rear. The quantity of water 

* For this and the other views of the Lakes in Mairwara, the Superintendant’s acknowledg¬ 
ments are due to Lieutenant C. Herbert, 18th Regiment Native Infantry. 




















































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PROGRESS OF IMPROVEMENT IN AJMEER. 


201 


arrested by these works for the purpose of agriculture is very considerable, 
having, with the three original works, a spread over 32,715 beegahs; while the 
land irrigated from them is estimated to extend over 24,485 beegahs. The 
business of agriculture has in this manner been much facilitated ; while, as 
all villages possessing elevated lands have been provided with tulaos, the 
chances of drought are extremely remote. Some of the tulaos, as Jugpoora, 
Durathoo, Lohurwara, Ramsur, Kharee, and others commanding extensive 
feeders, and located on the plain, are filled in the course of a few hours, 
when the rain is heavy and continuous. The works immediately within the 
hills take a longer time to fill, as the rain rarely falls so heavily or steadily 
there, as on the plain away from the hills. The Rajgurh tulao, Gopa Baolee, 
has not been filled to the overflowing point since it was completed. The 
same remark applies to the Chilla Beebee, Mooreawas, and Bhaonta tulaos, 
though the feeders are amply extensive. Several embankments detailed in 
the statement are mainly useful in affording a supply of water to the wells, 
by filtration through the soil. Shradna, Mukreira, Kesurpoora, Boodhol, 
Mohamee, and a few others, are instances in point. 

In 1822, in view to increase the supply of water in the Ana Sangor, the 
chuddur was raised three feet in height. The season was extremely 
propitious, and the lake filled to the overflowing point. For many years 
after the chuddur had been elevated, the rain was so light as not to fill the 
lake. On the Ana Saugor being filled, the spare water goes to swell the 
Beesla. This tulao being filled, the excess of water traverses the valley 
known by the name of the Saugor-Muttee to Pesangun, twenty-five miles from 
Ajmeer, whence it proceeds through Marwar. The springs of all the wells in 
the villages along its course are influenced by the quantity of water held in 
the Ana Saugor and Beesla; for when they are filled, prosperity is ensured 
throughout the valley. Moreover, the presence of a large body of water at 
Ajmeer is essentially requisite for the comfort and convenience of the 
townspeople, seeing that it is carried through a masonry conduit into the 
heart of the town. Under these circumstances, it was a desideratum to 
devise some plan by which the income of the lake would be considerably 
augmented. The rain which falls on the Ajeipal Hills, eight miles to the 
south of the lake, found its way by the village of Amba into the Saugor- 
Muttee. It was evident that if this stream could be turned into the lake, the 
chances of its being yearly filled would be much increased. The work, 

D D 


202 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


however, was surrounded by many difficulties, for several bunds must be 
thrown across the watercourses, hollows filled up, and incisions made 
through the crests of several intervening hills, in view to preserve the level. 
A minute survey having satisfied us that the plan was feasible, the undertaking 
was commenced in 1844, and completed in three years. The total length is 
3498 feet, of which 1920 feet are occupied by a masonry wall, with rear 
earthen embankment, closing one nuddee and two nullahs; while the 
channel cut through the crests of the hills, having a breadth of from nine to 
six feet, and a depth of from seventeen to nine feet, extends through 1578 feet. 
The total cost of the work was, 6045 rs. IkaAp. To guard against accidents 
from heavy floods, two broad escapes have been built, over which the water 
beyond the means of retention by the channel finds its way by the natural 
course of the nuddee. This work was ready by the rains of 1846, when the 
lake, after a period of twenty-four years, was filled to the overflowing point, 
through the agency of this extensive feeder. It was again filled by the rains 
of 1847, and there is now a confident hope that Ajmeer will not again 
experience inconvenience from a scarcity of water. As soon as the lake 
is filled, the channel is closed, and the Ajeipal stream descends down its 
natural course. To provide for the escape of an increased supply of water, 
the outfall has been widened, and a separate outlet prepared, calculated to be 
sufficiently broad to meet all contingencies. 

While we were engaged in constructing the embankments, the people 
were employed on their own private works. The purgunah returns show 
that agriculture has received an addition to its former means to the extent of 
1254 new wells, and 375 narees, or small zumeendaree tulaos, during the last 
six years. 

In working out the improvement of Ajmeer, our direct benefits have not 
been so extensive as those which have characterised our labours in Mairwara. 
The soil of Ajmeer is far less productive than that of the Mugra. In the 
Ramsur purgunah the land is extremely salt. Patches of land are found in 
each village, of variable extent, on which no crop can be raised. It fre¬ 
quently happens that the bed of a tulao cannot be sown with corn from the 
prevalence of soda in the soil. This remark applies to the land in the rear of 
some of the embankments. At Teharee, Aheran, Buheran, Boodhol, Sooruj- 
poora, Maosa, and other places, the quantity of water retained in the tulao 
would irrigate double the quota of land assigned to them, but for the excess 


PROGRESS OP IMPROVEMENT IN AJMEER. 


203 


of salt predominating in the soil of the adjacent ground. Land of this 
nature can alone be improved and rendered fit for vegetation by a large 
admixture of sweet sand. The trees planted on the bunds are useful in 
checking the progress of the sand during the hot winds; and as trees spread 
over the face of the purgunah, this advantage will be more widely extended. 
Much land, in which no seed would before vegetate, has thus been made 
productive. One or two other causes which have operated to diminish our 
direct benefits may be briefly touched on. In every khalsa village there are 
rent-free tenures, given in former times as endowments to religious institutions, 
or as subsistence to certain classes of the community. The land thus 
assigned extends to 27,804 beegahs. Again, most of the khalsa villages hold 
Bhoomeahs, whose duties embrace the preservation of the property of the 
villagers, and of travellers and trade traversing their boundaries, their 
services being remunerated by grants of land free of rent. The quantity 
thus held by these village Chuokeedars amounts to 32,983 beegahs and 12 
biswahs. The extent of land whose revenue is in this manner alienated from 
us, is 60,787 beegahs 12 biswahs; and as it is, generally speaking, of the best 
kind, its abstraction from 81 \ villages, when viewing the pecuniary result 
arising from our improvements, deserves to be taken into consideration. A 
low water rent is taken from such lands as receive advantage from irrigation. 
This constitutes the whole benefit we reap, though the rent-free land, more 
or less, partakes of the improvement imparted to each village by the tulaos. 
The third inconvenience arises from the intermixture of Jageer, Istimrar, and 
foreign estates with our own villages, whereby they derive much advantage 
through percolation ; admitting of the sinking of numerous new wells, while 
the irrigative duties of the old wells are greatly increased from the unfailing 
supply of water thus afforded. In Mairwara we have no diversity of 
interests. There are no Jageer or Istimrar possessions. The miluk lands 
are very restricted, being confined to a few hundred beegahs held by Jogees 
or appropriated for the support of religious edifices. Thus, in carrying 
through our plans of amendment, all advantages, direct as well as indirect, 
which arise out of the construction of large reservoirs, have accrued to us. 

Due attention was given to the conversion of waste ground to purposes 
of agriculture. We had no reason to call into operation the principle 
observed in Mairwara in respect to the Bulahee locations. Ajmeer possesses 
a population sufficient in number to till the whole of her lands. An exertion 


'204 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


of energy was all that was required to find cultivators for the wastes. In 
other respects, the course adopted in the Mugra, in the formation of new 
hamlets, was here observed. The partied received the usual fee of five rupees 
for the inauguration feast, and enjoyed the remissions accorded under like 
circumstances to the new settlers in Mairwara. The number of new hamlets 
located on the khalsa lands during the last few years extends to thirty. In 
fixing on the sites of these new locations, our first attention was called to the 
prevention of highway robbery; for experience had taught us that the surest 
as well as the cheapest plan for providing for the security of the high roads 
traversing through wastes, was by planting small villages on some convenient 
spot in the midst of them, and reclaiming the uncultivated lands as far 
as might be practicable. The scheme has been eminently successful; for, 
by this simple arrangement, confidence is imparted to the wayfarer and 
trader; while the chances of the detection or apprehension of robbers are 
much increased, at the same time that our revenue receives a slight addition, 
and the security of the road is provided for without any extra outlay. This 
course has been followed by the Istimrardars in several instances, where 
circumstances urged the adoption of the measure. 

It has been remarked, that all the khalsa villages had the option of 
releasing themselves from their settlement agreements in 1841. Many 
availed themselves of this offer. Others, who had been moderately assessed, 
or who possessed an ample supply of water, adhered to their engagements 
until the expiration of the settlement in June, 1846. According to the 
rates formerly established, one-half of the produce was taken from the 
cultivators, and two-fifths from Puteils, Brahmins, Bunneahs, Rajpoots, 
Mooghuls, and Cheetas. These rates appeared much too heavy to admit 
of sufficient profit to the cultivator, after reimbursing his Borah for seed 
and food, and paying his share of the village expenses. It was our desire to 
make the business of agriculture not only acceptable, but profitable to the 
mass of the people. In this view, the Government share from the zumeendars 
was restricted to two-fifths of the produce, and that of the Puteils, Brahmins, 
&c., to one-third. Zubtee rates on Indian corn, cotton, tobacco, opium, and 
sugar-cane, were proportionably reduced in amount. This reduction in the 
rates paid by the people, coupled with the great facilities which were afforded 
for the service of agriculture in the numerous tulaos, stimulated the people to 
exertion. The results of our labours during the last six years are extremely 


FINANCIAL RESULTS. 


205 


satisfactory, considering the many untoward occurrences with which we have 
been visited, as in the instance of locusts, frost, and blight. The following 
table exhibits the sum total of the revenue of Ajmeer from 1842-43 to 
1846-47, and the increase during the last four years as compared with 
1842-43:— 

Revenue of Ajmeer. 


1842-43. 

1843-44. 

1844-45. 

1845-46. 

1846-47. 

Increase in 4 Years 
beyond the Jumma 
of 1842-43. 

Rs. A. P. 

307,059 9 41 

Rs. A. P. 
377,644 0 5 

Rs. A. P. 

378,058 4 2 

Rs. A. P. 

384,997 2 10£ 

Rs. A. P. 
405,310 1 0 

Rs. A. P. 

317,771 3 01 


The sums expended on the tank embankments are shown below: — 


1841-42. 

1842-43. 

1843-44. 

1844-45. 

1845-46. 

1846-47. 

Total. 

Rs. A. P. 

68,691 0 5f 

Rs. A. P. 

38,373 5 9f 

Rs. A. P. 

44,861 4 9f 

Rs. A. P. 

65,598 11 5 

Rs. A. P. 

66,217 12 6 

Rs. A. P. 
92,708 11 11 

Rs. A. P. 

376,450 14 111 


Although our attention was particularly directed to the improved 
position of the khalsa possessions, the Istimrardars and Jageerdars were 
urged to devote their means and leisure to the improvement of their estates. 
Our advice received due consideration. Moreover, as poverty forbad some 
from increasing the agricultural means of their estates, they were assisted by 
us with pecuniary loans, for the construction of works of irrigation. Twelve 
smaller chiefs were thus aided; while arrangements were made for the 
advance of money to the larger landholders from Sahookars, at a moderate 
rate of interest. The Istimrardars pay a fixed revenue; and in thus 
according pecuniary assistance for developing the productive capabilities 
of their tenures, we were influenced alone by a desire to improve their 
position. Many new kehrahs have sprung up on their lands, and numerous 
wells have been sunk and narees constructed. They closely followed the 
example set them by the khalsa villages in all matters relating to the 
increase of agricultural means. The following table shows the number of 
villages possessed by the Istimrardars and Jageerdars, with the tulaos 
attached to them; the greater portion of which has been raised during the 
last thirteen years : — 



















206 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


Number. | 

Purgunahs. 

Istimrar. 

Jageer. 

No. of Vil¬ 
lages and 
Hamlets. 

No. of Tank 
Embank¬ 
ments. 

No. of Villages 
and Hamlets. 

No. of Tank 
Embankments. 

No. of Villages 
and Hamlets. 

No. of Tank 
Embankments. 

1 

Kekree 

. 

51 

85 

_ 

_ 

51 

85 

2 

DeogongBughera 

8 

30 

— 

— 

8 

30 

3 

Sawur 

- 

42 

29 

— 

— 

42 

29 

4 

Bhinae 

_ 

79 

179 

2 

2 

81 

181 

5 

Mussooda - 

_ 

53 

89 

— 

— 

53 

89 

6 

Kkurwah - 

_ 

18 

23 

— 

— 

18 

23 

7 

Ajmeer 

. 

14 

22 

4 

5 

18 

27 

8 

Rajgurh - 

- 

— 

— 

6 

9 

6 

9 

9 

Ramsur 

- 

— 

— 

11 

14 

11 

14 

10 

Hurmara - 

- 

— 

— 

1 

2 

1 

2 


Total 

- 

265 

457 

24 

32 

289 

489 


It has been our study to ameliorate the social condition of each section 
of the community as far as ability permitted. The agricultural classes had 
derived immense benefits from the increase of water that had been provided 
for them throughout the district. The remission of the Fouj Khurch, effected 
through the benevolent exertion of Colonel Sutherland, and which pressed 
heavily on a portion of the people, materially contributed to the spread of 
energy and consequent improvement. The affairs of the large landholders 
were, however, in a most unsatisfactory state. Each chief was deeply 
involved, and it became a matter of the greatest solicitude to us, to devise 
some arrangement whereby they might be disentangled from their pecuniary 
embarrassments. At the solicitation of the parties concerned, the affairs 
of each estate received due consideration. Creditors and debtors have been 
satisfied; and should the chiefs strictly adhere to their engagements, the 
majority will be free from debt in tlie course of a few years. 

Before quitting this subject, it may not be out of place to subjoin a 
portion of the Superintendant’s report on the affairs of Ajmeer, dated 
27th of July, 1844, as showing, in some degree, the multifarious duties which 
devolved on him : — 

u I have the honour to forward, for the information of the Honourable 
the Lieutenant-Governor, a statement, showing the returns of revenue during 
the past Fuslee year 1251, as compared with the previous year; and to add 
such further observations as seem necessary, in reference to the steps that 
have been adopted for ameliorating the condition of the people, and of 
advancing the general improvement of the district. 














superintendant’s report. 


207 


“ 2 d -In this part of India, where the periodical rains are uncertain, 

and the falls generally slight, the prosperity of the district hinges, in a great 
measure, on the favourableness, or otherwise, of the season. Ajmeer is so 
situated, as almost to be too remote to share in the showers which are 
generated in, and come down from the Himalaya mountains; while, on the 
other hand, the clouds from the Gulph of Cambay scarcely extend beyond 
Serohee. Thus a bad season with us forms the rule, and a good one the 
exception. The past season was upon the whole favourable; for, with the 
exception of Ajmeer Khas, and within a radius of eight miles, the rain was 
general; and the greater portion of the tulaos in the Ramsur and Rajgurh 
purgunahs were filled. The zumeendars, roused from their pristine lethargy 
by the great attention paid by the Government to the improvement of their 
condition, had been particularly assiduous. Large tracts of land, heretofore 
unacquainted with the plough, had been brought under culture. This feeling 
of industry was not confined to any isolated portion. It pervaded, as it 
were by a general consent, the whole of the khalsa possessions. At no 
former period, perhaps, had cultivation assumed so extensive a form, and 
at no previous time had promise been more sanguine. My report, under 
date 2d of September, 1843, written after a personal inspection of each 
village, enters fully on the subject of the expectations from the khureef crops. 
At that period, there was a confident hope that the out-turn of the khureef 
revenue would equal the average amount of the khureef and rubbee during 
the foregoing three years, leaving the rubbee crop as a surplus. The crops 
continued to advance, and the hopes of the people to rise, until the month of 
October, when the district was, as it were, inundated with swarms of locusts. 
The extent of injury done by these visitations can alone be appreciated by 
those who have been witnesses to the devastation thus caused. I was 
marching through the district at that period, and had ocular proof of the 
destruction caused to the cultivation. Nothing escaped the ravages of these 
insects but rice and sugar-cane. The til plant was eaten close to the soil, not 
even leaving a vestige of stubble. Mukka, Jo war, and Bajra had the ears 
eaten off, or were so injured by the slime of the locusts as to die per se. At 
this juncture, we were so fortunate as to receive, contrary to season, 
continuous showers of rain, which admitted of the mukka and til lands being 
immediately turned up and sown with chunna. Our expectations from the 
khureef had been floored by the ravages of the locusts. But, as the latter 


208 


SKETCH OF MAIKWARA. 


part of the season was unusually favourable, every nerve was strained to 
recover our loss, through the medium of a more extended rubbee. The issue 
has fully realised expectation, for the rubbee harvest was gathered in 
without our suffering from frost, hail, smut, or any of the numerous 
vicissitudes inseparable from agriculture; and the accompanying returns 
show that the amount of khalsa revenue during the past season is, as 
compared with the decennial settlement, 26,905 rs. 5 a. 9p. in excess, or, in 
comparison with the Jumma of the preceding year, it gives an increase of 
42,519 rs. 3 a. 6§p. This result is far below the line marked by reasonable 
expectation. But in such a season, which has been more severely felt in 
adjacent principalities which are alone dependant on the khureef, we have 
much cause for thankfulness that our subjects have not only been provided 
with the means of livelihood denied to some of our neighbours, but that, with 
their benefit, we have reaped a considerable increase of revenue beyond 
former years. 

“ 3 d .—It is necessary to bear in mind that the decennial settlement was 
based on the principle that the Government take one-half of the produce. On 
settlement villages becoming kham, the same course has obtained; the crops 
have been assessed according to the kun-koot, and the market price of one- 
half the produce has been paid as revenue. During the last two years the 
Government of Agra has been pleased, at my solicitation, to take two-fifths 
in place of one-half of the produce; and in estimating the increase over the 
settlement Jumma, the circumstance of the reduced share now taken by the 
Government should receive consideration. So satisfied am I of the advantage 
alike accruing to the cultivator and to the state by this reduced share, that 
an early opportunity will be taken to solicit its continuance during a further 
period of two years. 

u Ath. — The reports of the purgunah officers in reference to the 
agricultural improvements with which Ajmeer has been enriched during the 
last two years, are extremely satisfactory. A spirit of industry has arisen, 
wholly unknown in former times in the district, and which, with moderate 
conciliation and common justice, will continue to increase with years: 
affording to the cultivator a provision for an enlarged family — a thing 
consequent on industrious habits, and ensuring to the Government a prompt 
and cheerful payment of its dues. I have in various former reports descanted, 
perhaps at unpardonable length, on the comportment of the people of the 


SUPERINTENDANT S REPORT. 


209 


district when I was called to its charge. The people at that time were 
wholly devoid of energy; there was a marked indisposition to exertion, and a 
total callousness as to an improvement of circumstances; litigation seemed to 
be their legitimate calling. To quarrel with each other and refer to the 
courts at Ajmeer, or to aid their brethren in a cause of this nature, were 
matters of pleasure. As an instance of this litigious feeling, it may be 
observed that it was a common remark that in the Kusbah of Ramsur, 
containing three hundred families, there were four hundred Jhugras.* This 
feeling was by no means restricted to Ramsur: it was the marked charac¬ 
teristic of the district. To have urged the people to become industrious in 
improving their lands, by sinking wells or raising small tulaos, would have 
been fruitless labour. They had followed the path trodden by their ancestors, 
and were unsolicitous to beat out any new tracks. The reason was obvious. 
They had no guide to point out the path of industry and consequent 
competence. The intercourse between the ryots and the rulers was restricted 
to the paying of rents, and to the administration of justice through the 
Adaulut, where the principals, having made over their cases to Vukeels, 
suffered alike from delay and expense; for a common matter of every-day 
occurrence, which might have been settled by four heads of villages to the 
mutual satisfaction of the parties by the district officer, was now, by the 
ingenuity of the Yukeels, whose existence depends on strife, spun out to an 
interminable length. Thus, apparently, there was little sympathy between 
the authorities and the cultivators. But the liberality of the Government, in 
identifying its interests with those of the people, has wrought a change which 
has far exceeded expectation. In providing extensive tank embankments for 
almost every village at a considerable outlay, the zumeendars have an 
undeniable proof that the improvement of their means is the settled 
determination of the Government. Following the good example set them, the 
people now devote the whole of their time to agricultural pursuits. Litiga¬ 
tion, idleness, and poverty are now being superseded by peaceful industry 
and cheerful habits. All matters of dispute amongst villagers are referred to 
the purgunah Tuhseeldar, who, with the aid of a Punchayut, settles the 
matter on the spot; or, should the case be involved in difficulty, it remains 
till my camp arrives in that quarter, when the matter is adjusted before me. 
Thus, so far as relates to the cultivating class, their wrongs are immediately 

* Disagreements. 


E E 


210 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


redressed by the decision of their peers, without being subject to the 
inconvenience and expense of referring to the Ajmeer Adaulut. Ramsur has 
been mentioned as a place teeming with squabbles. We should therefore 
view it in a fiscal light under present arrangements. The Jumma of the 
decennial settlement was fixed at 7000 rupees. For some years past it has 
been kham, when, owing to the dissensions among the people, little more than 
half this sum was realised. Now there is neither feud nor disagreement, and 
the consequence is, their energies have been devoted to their immediate 
vocation, and we have a return this year of 9215rs. 5 a. 3 p. which sum would 
have been materially increased but for the ravages committed by locusts. A 
reference to the subjoined return shows the additional means agriculture has 
received during the last two years. 945 new wells have been dug: of these 
627 are completed, and 318 are in course of construction. The wells cost 
from 50 to 200 and 250 rupees each. Again, 334 narees, or small 
zumeendaree tulaos, containing from 20 to 200 beegahs of water, have been 
or are in course of completion. These works are intended for irrigating 
Indian corn sown to the rear of the embankments, during a break in the 
rains; while the front, on the removal of the water, is sown with barley and 
grain. The rapid strides the cultivators have already made in the good 
cause of improvement prove the earnestness with which they have taken to 
industrious habits. 

u 5 th .—Various arrangements have been made for the better govern¬ 
ment of village communities. Among these, it may be mentioned that that 
for keeping the common expenses of the village under due check is one of 
the principal. It was the custom of the Puteils and Putwarees to run up, 
in most instances, a fictitious bill each season, chiefly for their own benefit. 
The community was amerced at as much as two, or two and a half annas per 
plough, khureef and rubbee, independently of their share of revenue and dues 
to the village servants. The consequence was, the cultivator was defrauded of 
much of his own earnings. Now the Mulba Ivhurch expenses are submitted 
for sanction, to the delight of all parties save the Puteils and Putwarees. 

“ 6th .—I have not thought it necessary again to allude to our tank 
embankments, concerning which I have so recently addressed you. They 
are the foundation and mainspring of all our present and expected 
prosperity. Precept would have had little effect on the minds of the people 
unless supported by example. 


SUPERINTEND ANT’S REPORT. 


211 


“ 7th .—In view to bring into efficient cultivation the numerous patches 
of waste land distributed through the khalsa villages, thirty new hamlets 
have been planted, all of which promise, in the course of a few years, to 
expand in size and utility. They are all Dakhilee, or subordinate to the 
parent village ; their non-separation obviates many objections which might be 
started. Besides, boundary marks remain undisturbed. In former days, the 
location of a new hamlet on khalsa land was considered no small under¬ 
taking. Three kehras had thus been established since our rule. But we 
gained little immediate advantage; for during the first five or six years no 
rent was levied, and large immunities were granted for the future. Now busi¬ 
ness is done in a more workmanlike way. Five rupees are given for the 
inauguration, and such of the new assamees as require pecuniary aid for the 
purchase of bullocks or for sinking a well, have their wants relieved. We 
take our share of the revenue at once, giving the new settlers a remission of 
one or two shares, according as the ground is new or arable, during four 
years. After this period they are rated the same as old villages. 

“8 th. — The lateness of the rains has not allowed of my obtaining a 
detailed list of the ploughs in the different purgunahs. They have, however, 
undergone a considerable increase; for most of the idlers in each village have 
been, or are about to be, converted into cultivators. Beigurs, Bulahees, 
Chumars, and other low castes, whose forefathers never handled a plough, 
have taken most kindly to their new vocation. In some instances, the 
peaceful tailor has taken to sinking a well. Under these circumstances, the 
Jat, Goojur, and other cultivators cannot remain in the back-ground. 

u 9th .—The management of the customs’ duties is perhaps the most 
difficult of the many calls on the Superintendant’s attention. The govern¬ 
ment dues can only be collected through a host of hungry Mootsuddees, ill 
paid, strewed over the frontier of the district, which in Ajmeer is particularly 
straggling, owing to the Kishengurh principality being mixed up with our 
towns and villages. These servants are away from all direct check and 
control; and, under these circumstances, peculation is a matter of little 
wonder. Arrangements have now been matured by which the misap¬ 
propriation of the public money has been rendered more difficult. Hence it 
is we receive more of our dues, and the Mootsuddees eat less. Independently 
of the accomplishment of this measure, which has cost much anxiety and 
trouble in maturing, owing to Sayur servants being in general connexions of 

E B 2 


212 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


the Amlah, several old routes of traffic, which had been for some time 
neglected owing to the heaviness of the charges, have been resumed under 
more favourable terms to traders. A new road has latterly been constructed 
over the Loolooa Ghata in Mairwara, by which we expect to take the trade 
from Palee via Nya Nuggur through the Ajmeer district, and thence to 
Kotah, Boondee, and part of Dhoondhar. By this new pass we further 
expect to improve the Ajmeer customs, through an increase of Bunjara salt 
carriers from Puchbhudra. Upon the whole, the result of our labours in this 
department is satisfactory, and we confidently look for a more favourable 
issue during the ensuing year, should no unforeseen hindrance intervene. 
A reference to the enclosed statement will show that the increase beyond the 
previous year is 25,433 rs. 7 as., after deducting all expenses of collection, or 
about 41^- per cent, in excess of the past year. 

“ 10 th. — The Abkaree revenue is susceptible of little or no improvement. 
Owing to the presence of Nusseerabad, all villages within six miles of the 
cantonment are not permitted to vend liquor. This rule has obtained since 
the establishment of the cantonment. In this item, there is an increase of 
96 rs. 13 a. 

“ 11th —In furnishing an abstract of our Ajmeer income, it has been 
deemed proper to include the return of the receipts arising from stamp paper, 
or rather to notice the amount of sale of these papers. This item does not 
appertain legitimately to the district as a source of revenue. It will find its 
own proper place in the returns of the Stamp Office. The object of this 
notice is to show the. reason which has caused so large an expenditure of 
stamp paper. Ajmeer, from its peculiar situation, may be said to hold 
within itself the principal ingredients of a hotbed of litigation. It has the 
Durgah of Khwajie Mueenoodeen Chishtee, which is held in respect alike 
by Moosulmans and Hindoos; and, in point of celebrity, yields, perhaps, to 
no Moosulman shrine in Upper India. Its Khadims alone number about twelve 
hundred families. There is another durgah in the fort of Taragurh, holding 
the shrine of Meer Syd Hoosein, also supporting many Khadims as its 
servants. As adjuncts to these and other smaller durgahs, as the Burra Peer, 
Kootub Sahib, Mudar Sahib, &c., there are numerous Peerzadas and Milkees, 
who, with the Khadims, enjoy lands rent-free, and never contaminate their 
hands by the touch of the plough. Ajmeer is, moreover, the residence of 
numerous Lukhputtee Seths and Sahookars, who, though carrying on 


SUPERINTENDANT S REPORT. 


213 


extensive mercantile transactions at all the great marts of India, have no 
commercial dealings on the spot. There are further some Jageerdars, the 
descendants of the imperial times, residing within the city. To this mass 
of unemployed population is to be added the Brahmuns of Pohkur, eight 
miles from Ajmeer, a place of Hindoo worship even more celebrated than 
the Khwajie Sahib ka Durgah; inasmuch as, although all the other places of 
pilgrimage in India have been visited, the Hindoo cannot look for a full 
expiation of his sins, or hope for mercy, until he has performed the teruth 
of Holy Pohkur. Here, then, we possess the elements of discord beyond the 
extent commandable by other favoured spots. All eat the bread of idleness 
without paying one fraction to the State ; and this ample leisure fully admits 
of their quarrelling among themselves as a sort of pastime. The time of the 
Superintendant, instead of being engaged in the general improvement of the 
country, was chiefly taken up in attending to matters wholly unproductive of 
general benefit. Having to attend to the affairs of Mairwara, independently 
of those of Ajmeer, it became necessary to check this spirit of litigation, that 
really important matters might receive a hearing. In this view, the orders 
of the Commissioners, desiring that the rules in respect to stamp paper should 
receive due observance, were gradually enforced; and thus, through the 
agency of this measure, and others to be noticed in the sequel, much labour 
and anxiety have been spared to the authorities; while the tone of society 
has undergone a marked improvement. This is a brief detail of the cause 
which has led to an increased sale of stamp paper. All matters referring to 
commerce, agriculture, customs and revenue, are heard on plain paper. The 
same rule obtains in regard to those in moderate circumstances. As a 
general rule, those alone in good circumstances, or such as are influenced 
solely by a spirit of litigation, file their petitions on stamp paper. In all cases 
connected with the Dewanee Adaulut, stamps are in use. 

“ 12 th. — The Istimrardars pay a fixed revenue, and the main object of 
solicitude is to collect the rents at the assigned time. This course would 
appear to be simple, and totally devoid of difficulty. One thing alone is 
requisite to ensure its simplicity, and that is, a disposition on the part of the 
payers to be punctual to the day. Heretofore it has been the custom with 
various chiefs to make every evasion and excuse against paying the Govern¬ 
ment dues. Bad seasons and injury sustained by the crops were adduced as 
causes for soliciting a suspension of payment until the next year. This 


214 


SKETCH OF MAIKWARA. 


request was allowed or not, as seemed meet to the authorities. When 
allowed, the revenue, as a matter of course, ran into arrears; a portion of 
which remains unliquidated to this day. There was another practice which 
prevailed with all parties, Khalsa and Istimrar, which was to bring in the 
kists in one hand, and a petition for delay of payment in the other. Things 
have now assumed a more satisfactory aspect. Order and punctuality occupy 
the place of irregularity and procrastination. Every particle of rent has been 
paid up during the last two years ; while some arrears have been recovered. 
The Istimrardars have been told in plain and intelligible language that the 
retention of their estates by them depends entirely on the ready and prompt 
payment of the Government rent. With the example before them of the 
increasing prosperity of the khalsa villages, this advice. is doubly valuable. 
They are fully satisfied that we should have no reluctance to take their 
estates in management, from which a return double of that derived by the 
Thakoors would immediately follow. 

“ 15 th _At the time I came into office at Ajmeer, there were many 

matters which formed subjects of much trouble and great anxiety to the 
Superintendant; among these numerous village boundary disputes call for 
more than a casual notice; for, from their extent and partial connection with 
neighbouring states, their settlement seemed to be an undertaking too 
gigantic to be handled singly by the Superintendant. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sutherland entertained great doubts as to the possibility of reconciling 
differences, and of terminating the disputes through local available means. He 
had serious thoughts of soliciting distinct aid from the Regulation provinces 
for this express duty. The subject was mentioned to me on my meeting 
the Colonel in camp in the Ajmeer district about three years ago. As, 
however, it was at that time probable that the duties of Ajmeer would shortly 
devolve upon me, I urged that the matter lie over for the present; since I 
was unambitious that others should be called on to perform what was more 
legitimately the Superintendant’s own duty, or, at any rate, until attempts 
to bring matters to a settlement had failed. The list presented a formidable 
array of upwards of thirty cases; all of which raged with more or less 
virulence, according to the activity or supineness of the Yukeels. In 
selecting the first subject of my essay, the most rancorous and difficult case 
was chosen: that of Naud Rampoora, in Ajmeer, versus Tauwla, Indurgurh 
of Marwar, where the Agent Governor-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Alves, had 


SUPERINTEND ANTS REPORT. 


215 


attempted, but without success, to settle the question. In fixing on the most 
difficult case, it became necessary that all the tact, judgment, and conciliation 
I could command should be brought to bear on the question ; for, if successful 
in the first instance, there was a promise that, with due attention, other 
less difficult cases might be adjusted; while the minor ones would be floored 
with comparative ease. The first attempt was, as I was fully prepared to 
expect, crowned with complete success, to the surprise of Ajmeer and her 
denizens. The particulars of the settlement of this important question were 
fully detailed in my letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland’s address under 
date 18th of August, 1842. The Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor was 
pleased to mark his approbation of the settlement by vouchsafing a pecuniary 
reward to the native officer to whom was entrusted the initiation of the 
proceedings. The Jodhpore Durbar, in like manner, manifested its approval 
by presenting the Marwar Yukeel and his Mootsuddee with shawls, pearl 
necklaces, and gold bangles. Encouraged by this satisfactory issue, the next 
most difficult case, that of the Chief of Khurwa, in Ajmeer, versus that of 
Ras, in Marwar, was taken in hand with a full confidence of complete success. 
The chiefs were invited to pay me a visit at Beawr. There had been a feud 
between the families during three generations. Captain Macnaghten had 
been encamped on the ground in dispute for fifteen days a few months 
previous to that time, and had returned unsuccessful. Yet, with all these 
difficulties to overcome, the dispute was in the course of a week settled to the 
satisfaction of both parties, and without the intervention of the Marwar 
authorities, or the presence of a Yukeel or Mookhtar on either side. The 
case was fully reported to Colonel Sutherland in my letter of the 18 th of 
September, 1842, which, on being submitted to the Honourable the Lieutenant- 
Governor, again elicited his marked approbation. Having thus floored the 
two most virulent cases, there was a confident promise that, with ordinary 
care and attention, all other questions would prove a matter of plain-sailing. 
Experience has justified this opinion. The other disputes were taken up. and 
disposed of as leisure and opportunity favoured, during my constant tours 
through the district. In this manner we have adjusted thirty-two boundary 
questions, besides two additional ones lately settled by an ameen. Those 
only who have to undergo the fatigue and irksomeness of listening to the 
numberless complaints arising out of so many disputes, can appreciate the 
relief the public authorities experience in their final adjustment. The list, 


216 


SKETCH OF MAIRWAKA. 


formerly so formidable, is now reduced to insignificance. Only three cases 
remain, one of which is in the course of settlement. The remaining two will 
become a subject of history before the close of the present rains. But as 
cultivation is extending on all sides, whether khalsa, Istimrar, or Jageer, 
others may arise. This is, however, a subject of little apprehension; for, 
after the marked success which has attended my career in this portion of the 
Superintendant’s duty, I do not fear to shoal my character on any minor case. 
Meenars of stone and lime have been, or are in the course of construction 
along the lines of demarcation, in view to obviate any further doubt. Thus 
have the Ajmeer courts been relieved of one of the greatest sources of 
annoyance to which they have been subjected for some years *past. The 
public have equally been gainers by the increase of good feeling, among all 
parties, which now pervades society. No question is so difficult as that 
referring to the tenure of land. An individual may have a case in court 
involving money, and he may be cast. Still, with industry, money may again 
be accumulated. He may lose his wife; but the loss may in some degree be 
repaired by his taking unto himself another. He may lose a child; but, 
through the goodness of Providence, another may be born. But with land 
the case is irremediable. When it has once gone, it can never be recovered. 
These are the sentiments of the people, and find a place in the breast of each 
individual. Taking, therefore, into consideration the prevalence of these 
feelings, the adjustment of so many boundary questions within two years is 
an undertaking which, though simple enough to narrate, has called for the 
exercise of more mental anxiety, tact, and labour, than is required in the more 
ordinary matters of civil administration. 

u 1 6th. — Another circumstance, which has materially tended to improve 
the tone of society and to obviate constant reference to the authorities, is not 
undeserving of mention. On my assuming office, I found it had been the 
custom, even from the commencement of our rule in 1818-19, for the 
Superintendant to countersign all ikrar-namahs presented by all classes of 
people solicitous of entering into pecuniary engagements with Muhajuns or 
others. The contracting parties, either in person or by Yukeel, appeared 
before the signing authority to vouch to the correctness of the document. 
The purport of the writing, whether giving a whole estate in mortgage or 
pledging property to a smaller extent, was not noticed. It was considered 
sufficient that the parties concerned, verbally certified to the correctness of 


SUPEEINTEND ANT’S KEPOET. 


217 


the instrument. The paper thus signed was considered on a parity of 
circumstance with a decree of court, and as such it has been acted on to the 
present day. The production of the dust-khutee ikrar-namah, with the request 
on the part of the plaintiff that the engagement be carried through, has met 
with a prompt compliance. Upon a requisition on plain paper, the same. 
process has ensued, as if the case had been established in the Civil Court, 
after the payment of all legal expenses. People who, in a moment of 
indiscretion, or from the impulse of necessitous calls, had had recourse to a 
borah, who probably did not give more than 70 per cent, on the amount 
certified to, were placed on the verge of ruin, without any the remotest 
trouble or expense on the part of the lender. In this manner has a large 
portion of the Ajmeer territory become impledged to the monied interests. 
On the calls of the Tuhseeldar on the Istimrardars for Government rent 
becoming pressing, the Mookhtar, with the friendly borah, appeared before 
authority, when the proceeds arising from some of the villages for a certain 
number of years were signed away, or, in other words, consigned to the 
borah. The revenue was paid into the treasury without any reference to the 
indiscreetness of the act, or the evil consequences it would entail on the 
mortgagee. As an instance of the evil effects arising out of this measure, the 
Joonea Istimrar estate may be adduced. It consists of twelve villages, 
including the populous kusbah of Joonea, with several thousand beegahs of 
bhoom land, rent-free, in the khalsa kusbah of Kekree. All this property has 
been pledged, with the exception of one-half of the land revenue arising from 
Joonea khas. With these reduced means has the Thakoor to support himself 
and family, to uphold the station of a chief, and to answer for all thefts and 
robberies committed within his estate. This is the case with one of the 
Istimrardars; and many others might be quoted as not altogether dissimilar 
in circumstances. The same rule applies to many of the Bhoomeahs, 
Rajpoots, or Puthans, who enjoy large portions of land rent-free, for the 
express purpose of the protection of life and property within their own 
boundary limits. In this way, the Bhoomeah of Hurmara possesses about 
2800 beegahs of land. Yet every biswah, with all other property, except the 
produce from four wells, is in pawn. Thus, by the operation of this custom, 
the original intention of the ruling powers, in making over large estates to be 
managed by the aristocracy of the land, and in apportioning off land to 
Bhoomeahs free of rent, to allow of their maintaining the means for 


218 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


preventing robberies, has been frustrated. All, or nearly all, have fallen into 
the hands of Borahs. This state of things induces a feeling of callousness on 
the part of the chief and Bhoomeahs, who, to stifle unpleasant thoughts, are 
almost always suffering under the influence of opium. Although this custom 
of signing ikrar-namahs, by which the money-lender was insured against all 
loss, with the certainty of severe injury to the borrower, had been honoured 
in the observance during twenty-four years, I experienced a marked indis¬ 
position to discontinue it. It was observed by Vukeels, Mookhtars, and 
Sahookars, that, in private dealings, the interdiction would not be of material 
consequence, but that, as far as referred to the collection of the Government 
revenue, the thing would be impossible without the intervention of duskhutee 
igrar-namahs. I had taken my stand, and was determined to abide the issue, 
whether favourable or otherwise ; wholly disregardful of the importunities of 
all concerned. The issue has justified expectation. All items of revenue 
have been collected without the necessity for superscription on any bond; 
and the custom in all cases has fallen into disuse. The advantages accruing 
from this measure may be briefly told. The money-lender, no longer 
supported by the arm of authority, has become more wary in his pecuniary 
dealings; he no longer comes forward to aid a desperate case. Without 
assurance of repayment, he withholds his loans. The borrowing party has 
been taught that his expenses must be limited by his industry. He can no 
longer raise money on promises guaranteed by authority. The Borah must 
be satisfied of th quid pro quo before the neck of the money-bag is opened. 
Thus, wasteful extravagance has received a severe check, and society has been 
improved in its tone by a slight approximation towards honest dealings. 

“ 17 th .— The Istimrardars and Jageerdars have received a share of my 
attention. Their estates were visited by me during the months of November 
and February last; and no opportunity was lost of inculcating the necessity 
for following the example so liberally set by the khalsa, in increasing the 
means of irrigation, whether through the medium of wells or tulaos. There 
is a confident promise that the advice thus given will tend to the general 
improvement of the Istimrar lands. The chiefs of Khurwa and Mussooda, 
owing to their proximity to Mairwara, have, for some years past, devoted 
much attention to agricultural improvements. They had our example before 
them; and another most cogent reason for their constructing works of this 
nature was that, in their absence, a large portion of the cultivators would 


SUPERINTEND ANT’S REPORT. 


219 


have come over into Mairwara. The example set by these chiefs has been 
followed by the Thakoor of Bandunwara. The desire for improvement has 
spread to others. All the chiefs promised that, before my next annual tour 
in the district, great progress would be made in increasing the means for 
cultivation. In this assurance there is a feeling of sincerity. No longer able 
to raise money to meet the calls of extravagance, they find that the 
amelioration of their state must be effected through the medium of the soil. 
The arrangements which have been made for emancipating the estates of 
Pesangun, Mussooda, Bhinae Para, and others, from the hands of Borahs, and 
of freeing them from debt in the course of a few years, is another potent 
reason for other chiefs setting their houses in order. This desirable result has 
been effected by paying up all the debts of the smaller Borahs, who were only 
content with interest at the rate of 24 per cent, per annum, and entering into 
new engagements at the lower rate of 9 or 12 per cent. The establishments 
of the chiefs have, in other respects, been economised. Thus, in five or six 
years, some of the large estates will have been freed from incumbrances, and 
their whole produce, after paying the Government dues, will be available for 
further improvement, as the state of things may require; or the chiefs may 
then live up to the means of their estates, and support the character of their 
station in a more becoming and dignified way than poverty now permits. 
Having once broken loose from the shackles of the Borahs, there is little 
reasonable probability of their again relapsing into indifference.” 

The Honourable Court of Directors were pleased to devote a whole 
despatch to the consideration of the subjects set forth in the Superintendant’s 
report. The last paragraph is subjoined, as marking their approbation of the 
measures taken for the improvement of Ajmeer: — 

a 12ifA. •—We observe nothing in the other proceedings brought under 
our notice which has not been already suificiently provided for by the orders 
issued by the Lieutenant-Governor; but we cannot conclude this despatch 
without placing on record the gratification which we have experienced from 
observing the improvement which, in so short a lapse of time, has taken place 
in the condition and resource of this interesting tract of country, and the 
high sense which we entertain of the zeal and ability with which the measures 
commenced by the late Commissioner, Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland, have 
been carried out and extended by the Superintendant, Major Dixon.” 

It has been observed, that the Superintendant was from time to time 


F F 2 


220 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


cheered in his labours, and encouraged to prosecute his interesting but 
toilsome duties, by the marked approbation of the highest authorities. The 
sentiments of the Honourable the Court of Directors may be inferred from 
the paragraph of their despatch which has been quoted. He may be permitted 
to notice, from among the numerous marks of approbation that have been 
accorded to him, the opinion of the Earl of Auckland, as conveyed in 
Mr. Secretary Mad dock’s letter, No. 2625., under date 27th of September, 
1841, to the address of the Agent Governor-General, Rajpootana: — 

“ I am directed by the Governor-General in Council to acknowledge the 
receipt of your despatch under date the 29th ultimo, submitting a copy of 
Captain Dixon’s annual report on the condition of Mairwara, with the usual 
accounts, and in reply to state, that, in reviewing these documents, His Lord- 
ship in Council will only use the words of Captain Dixon cited in the margin *, 
and remark, that this report and the statements, while highly satisfactory in 
themselves, as showing the prosperity and good government of Mairwara and 
its inhabitants under British management, serve more than ever to confirm 
the good opinion the Government of India entertains of Captain Dixon’s tact, 
industry, and general ability. 

“ 2 d. — His Lordship in Council will be glad if you can find a convenient 
opportunity at some future period of visiting that portion of this interesting 
tract, which you were unable to see on the last occasion.” 

In August, 1846, Colonel Sutherland recommended for the consideration 
of the Supreme Government, that Mairwara should be placed under the orders 
of the Government North-Western Provinces, in the same manner as obtained 
with respect to Ajmeer. The Superintendant was invited to submit his 
sentiments on the merits of the proposed change. His reply was couched in 
the following terms: — 

“ I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 982., 
under date the 5 th instant, relative to the advantages likely to arise from 
bringing the Mairwara district, in all its judicial and revenue affairs like that 
of Ajmeer, under the authority of the Government of Agra. 

“ 2d. — The district of Mairwara was under the orders of the Government 
of Agra from 1835 to the close of 1837. Since that period, reports have been 

* “ Where all matters proceed to the entire satisfaction of the people and the authorities 
placed over them, little is required in the way of observation ; and this, I am happy to state, is 
the case of Mairwara.” 


MARWAR AND MEYWAR UNDER BRITISH PROTECTION. 221 

forwarded to the Government of India. Matters proceed so satisfactorily in 
Mairwara, and the people are so content and so busied in their pursuits of 
industry, that a reference to Government, beyond the transmission of the 
annual accounts and an application for authority to carry out agricultural 
improvements, is of rare occurrence. It would be indelicate in me to name a 
preference for either Government, and, under this feeling, I would beg that 
you would proceed in this case as may, in your opinion, be most conducive to 
the furtherance of the public interests.” 

His Honour was pleased to signify his acquiescence to this measure, 
should the Mair villages we held, belonging to Marwar and Meywar, continue 
for an indefinite period amalgamated with those appertaining to Ajmeer, 
under our superintendence. Colonel Sutherland having recorded his 
deliberate opinion, that there was no obligation on our part to restore the 
villages, so long as the Mairwara Battalion was maintained, negotiations were 
entered on with the durbars of Jodhpore and Oudeypore, for the permanent 
transfer of their portions of the tract. Jodhpore has intimated her pleasure 
to continue her villages, under certain engagements, under our administration, 
so long as we may desire to keep them. No reply appears to have been 
received from Meywar ; but, as that durbar had, on the raising of the Bheel 
corps, consigned her Mair villages to us, without limitation as to time, it is 
inferred her acquiescence may be expected. 

Much has been said in reference to the contentment of the people and 
the prosperity of Mairwara. Colonel Sutherland has confirmed, after 
personal inspection, much of what has been adduced by the Superintendant. 
It is, however, desirable that the opinion of the Honourable the Lieutenant- 
Governor, formed after a free intercourse with the people, while moving 
through a large portion of the district in the close of 1846, should be placed 
on record. His Honour’s sentiments are conveyed in Mr. Secretary 
Thornton’s letter, No. 36 A., under date 30th December, 1846, to the 
address of Mr. Secretary Currie : — 

“ I am desired now to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated 
October 26th last, regarding the transfer of the Mairwara district to this 
Government. 

“ 2d. _The Lieutenant-Governor has had the advantage of passing 

through a large portion of this district. During the whole of this time, 
Major Dixon was in his camp; and, during the greater part, he had the 


222 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


benefit of Colonel Sutherland’s presence and advice. At the same time, he 
held the freest communication with all classes of the people, and enjoyed every 
facility for forming a correct opinion on their state, which it was possible to 
have, during a passage through the country necessarily short in its duration. 

“ 3 d .—Mairwara consists of three parts, one of which belongs to Ajmeer, 
one to Meywar, and one to Marwar. They are considerably intermixed, the 
British purgunah of Bhaelean lying far south, and being surrounded on all sides 
by Meywar and Marwar Mairwara. But this territorial division does not at all 
affect the character of the people. They are a distinct organisation. The 
Mairats are nominally Mahomedans, and the Mairs nominally Hindoos; but 
they intermarry, and possess none of the bigotry and little of the superstitions 
of the two creeds. They hold the people of the plains, and especially the 
Rajpoots, in contempt and hatred. The Rajpoots were never able to obtain a 
firm footing in their country. Whatever small revenue they could get from 
the country was obtained at a cost, both of life and money, far exceeding its 
value. The Mairs were constantly making forays into the plains, and 
the history of all the neighbouring Rajpoot chiefs, Mussooda, Khurwa, 
Budnor, Tal Deogurh, bears ample testimony to the ferocity with which these 
forays were conducted. 

“ 4 th. — The British arms first completed their subjugation. But Meywar 
and Marwar were quite unable to manage their portions of the country. The 
Mairs broke out into rebellion, massacred some of the police officers stationed 
amongst them, and it became necessary for our government, by a fresh exertion 
of its military force, and with some difficulty, again to bring them into 
subjection in 1820. An arrangement was then made, by which Marwar and 
Meywar made over to us the management of their portions of Mairwara. 
The terms on which this transfer was effected differed considerably. 

“ 5 th. — Marwar made over to us twenty villages, of small value, and little 
capable of improvement; it yielded in 1824-25 a land revenue of 6966 rupees, 
and in 1845-46 the land revenue was no more than 6871 rupees. From 
1835-36 to 1842-43, we held seven other villages, which promised to yield a 
considerable sum. Since these have been given back they have fallen much 
into decay, and are again becoming troublesome. The Raj was to pay 15,000 
Company’s rupees, contribution for the support of the Mairwara battalion, 
over and above the expenses of the civil administration of the country. 
The result has been a yearly excess of expenditure above income, and the Raj 


colonel Sutherland’s opinion. 


223 


is now in our debt on this account of no less a sum than 185,872 rupees, up 
to the end of 1845-46. It is not apparent on what ground the undeniable 
right of the British Government to this sum is waived. Meywar made over 
to our management seventy-six villages, on the understanding that a payment 
of 20,000 Chittoree rupees (about 16,000 Company’s rupees) was to cover 
her share of the Mairwara battalion, and all the current expenses of the civil 
administration. These villages yielded, in 1823-24, 34,607 Chittoree rupees 
land revenue, and now give 91,114 Chittoree rupees, with the prospect of 
considerable increase. The surplus revenue is appropriated to the support 
of the Meywar Bheel corps. 

“ §th .—The transfer of neither portion of Mairwara is permanent. The 
transfer by Marwar has been renewed since for eight years each, and latterly, 
in 1843, for three years: and by Meywar, first without limitation, then, in 
1832, for eight years. On the formation of the Meywar Bheel corps in 1840, 
the surplus revenue was set aside for the Meywar share of the Bheel corps. 
The renewed transfer has been, nominally at least, the subject of negociation. 

“ 7 th .—It is unnecessary to detail now the steps by which, under British 
management, these wild and ferocious Mairs have been formed into a peaceable 
and industrious race of cultivators. It is difficult for a stranger to understand 
the change which has taken place. Rich cultivation and prosperous villages 
have been substituted for heavy jungle; industry and affluence have succeeded 
to rapine and poverty. Lieutenant-Colonel Hall commenced this noble 
undertaking. Major Dixon has carried it on, and is still engaged upon 
it. The latter has known the country from our first connexion with it. 
He bore a prominent part in the military operations which were necessary for 
its subjugation; and he has now, for many years, laboured with unremitting 
industry to attach the people to him by justice, moderation, and kindness; 
and in this noble work he has been eminently successful. The several means 
by which this end has been effected, would form a most interesting and useful 
narrative. Major Dixon is engaged in the compilation of such a narrative, 
and no one is better able to complete it. The prospect of obtaining it, 
renders further remark unnecessary. 

“ 8th .—Everything which the Lieutenant-Governor has seen, tends to 
confirm the opinion regarding the future management of Mairwara which is 
contained in my letter of September 23d last. There is yet much that may 
be done for the improvement of the social condition of the Mairs. This is an 


224 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


object to the furtherance of which the Lieutenant-Governor would gladly 
devote his attention; but he could only do this with satisfaction, on 
the understanding that the people were never to be removed from the 
protection of the British Government, except under circumstances independent 
of the will of their own native sovereigns. 

“ 9th _It may indeed be a question whether the British Government 

would be justified in now withdrawing its protection. Under the native 
governments no limit to the demand of the state exists, but the power of one 
party to exact, and the ability of the other to resist. If by mild and 
conciliatory measures the Mairs have been reduced from a state of wild 
ferocity to one of civilisation and industry, it would amount almost to a 
breach of faith to give them over, in their present comparatively helpless 
condition, to be plundered by persons whom they hate. 

“ 10th. — The probable results of their transfer would be their impoverish¬ 
ment, the diminution of their cultivation, and their more or less rapid 
demoralisation, till they resumed their old habits of plunder, and became such 
a source of uneasiness to their neighbours, and disquietude to the country at 
large, as to render our interposition again necessary. But it could not then 
be rendered with the same effect as now. The remembrance would be fresh 
of what would appear to the people a betrayal of their interests. They would 
be slow to adopt habits and to follow suggestions which, at some future 
time, would only make them the better objects of plunder. 

“ 1 1th. — Nor could the Meywar and Marwar portions of the country 
become disorganised without materially affecting the tranquillity of the 
Ajmeer portion. The people are one, the lands are intermixed: they 
sympathise with each other, and would make common cause to revenge 
aggression or wrong suffered by any members of their body. 

“12 th. —Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland is of opinion that there is no 
obligation to give up the country, so long as the Mairwara battalion is 
maintained as at present. This would be a most satisfactory footing on 
which to place the management of the country by the British Government, 
The Mairwara battalion is in itself an efficient body of 765 men. It is 
valuable, not only as training the people to habits of subordination and 
obedience, but also as placing at the disposal of Government a body of 
disciplined men strongly attached to us, and with interests different from 
those of surrounding countries. The battalion forms part of the force that 


FINANCES OF MAIRWARA. 


225 


marched against Jodhpore in 1839, and has, on several occasions, performed 
good service in preserving the peace of the country. 

“ 13th .—It only remains to consider the subject in a financial point of 

view. 

“ 14$.—The increase of land revenue and customs from Mairwara, during 
the last year of 1845-46, was a fair average, and is shown below. 

Co.'s Rs. 

Ajmeer Mairwara 82,012 

Meywar do. 94,960 Chittoree Rupees - - - 75,968 

Marwar do. - - - - - - - 7,228 

165,208 

Of this we may place on the credit side of the account, the whole of the 
receipts from Ajmeer Mairwara, 15,000 Company’s rupees on account of 
Marwar, and 16,000 rupees on account of Meywar. 

RECEIPTS IN 1845-46. 

Co.'s Rs. 

Ajmeer Mairwara - 82,012 

Contribution from Meywar ----- 16,000 

Contribution from Marwar ----- 15,000 

113,012 

On the debit side we may place the whole of the civil establishments, 
exclusive of those entertained on account of Marwar, and the whole cost of 
the Mairwara battalion. 


DISBURSEMENTS IN 1845-46- 


Civil Establishment, British and Meywar 

_ 

_ 

Co.'s Rs. 
- 28,995 

Mairwara Battalion - 

- 

- 

- 87,568 

Deduct receipts - 

- 

- 

116,563 
- 113,012 

Excess Disbursement 

- 

- 

3,551 


This leaves a debit against the district of 3551 rupees. But it is scarcely 
fair to consider the battalion as a debit against Mairwara alone. It forms a 
part of the Nusseerabad brigade, and is employed largely on civil duties in 
Ajmeer, and in furnishing escorts when they may be required. It must also be 
remembered that the district is still rapidly improving, and that the receipts 
are soon likely to be much larger than they were in 1845-46. It is very 









226 


SKETCH OE MAIRWARA. 


certain that the district, if rightly managed, can never, on the present footing, 
be a burden on the Government; it may be a source of some revenue. But 
far above all financial considerations is the advantage and glory of winning 
over to habits of industry and good order, a race of plunderers who used to 
be the pest of the country. 

“ 15 th .—The Lieutenant-Governor believes that he has now placed before 
the Right Honourable the Governor-General all that is essential to the form¬ 
ation of a correct opinion on the best mode of hereafter managing Mairwara. 
The duty of still further developing the industry and the resources of the 
district will be a most interesting one, and the steps by which so desirable an 
end can be accomplished are clear, and have been already arranged with 
Major Dixon. But it would be dishonest to enter upon any further course 
of improvement without being able to hold out to the people the certain 
prospect that the hopes now raised will be made good, and that the faith now 
pledged will be rigidly observed. This can only be done by keeping in our 
hands the administration of the country, till the neighbouring states have 
attained governments which hold out better hopes of just and liberal rule 
than is at present the case.” 

His Honour was pleased to sanction the efiicient repair of the road from 
Nya Nuggur to Ajmeer, and to signify his pleasure to meet further requisitions 
on this score. The repair of this road has proved a matter of positive con¬ 
venience to commerce and travellers, and the people are the more grateful for 
His Honour’s liberality, inasmuch as this was the first occasion that the public 
money had been applied to the improvement of lines of communication. The 
road from Khurwa to the military cantonment of Nusseerabad will shortly be 
surveyed, in view to its efficient repair. On its completion we shall command 
efficient roads from Nya Nuggur to Nusseerabad, as well as to Ajmeer. The 
routes leading from Nya Nuggur to Marwar and to Meywar, across the hills 
and through defiles, are susceptible of much improvement, which would 
greatly facilitate the operations of commerce with those principalities. As 
we have ourselves taught the people to increase the produce of the land, and 
as a large population of foreigners have been induced to seek their fortunes 
in the new town, justice and a consideration for their welfare prompts us to 
aid and assist in advancing the interests of the community, by improving the 
routes of communication with neighbouring marts. The Lieutenant-Governor 
favourably entertained the project; but the sanction of the supreme govern- 


CONSTRUCTION OF ROADS. 


227 


ment is required to effect the necessary amendments. It is further a duty 
incumbent on us, to improve the communication through the heart of the 
Mugra. One main carriage road from Nya Nuggur to the foot of the 
Todgurh hills would be sufficient, conjoined with smaller roads connecting the 
villages with the main branch. To the want of carriage roads is to be 
attributed the absence of wheeled carriages in the more hilly parts of the 
district. They might be made at an inconsiderable outlay, and their 
construction would be attended with little difficulty. 

The Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor was further pleased to recom¬ 
mend that the education of the agricultural classes, to such an extent as might 
admit of the cultivators keeping their own accounts with the Putwarees, 
might engage a share of the Superintendant’s attention. Some progress has 
been made in this branch. Independently of the schools at Nya Nuggur, 
five have been established in villages for the instruction of the youthful 
Mairs. In Ajmeer our labours are on a more extended scale, inasmuch as 
they embrace all the towns in the district. Time, and the close attention of 
the authorities, are necessary to encourage a desire for learning on the part of 
the people. In the furtherance of this cause, the force of example will, in 
due course, exercise its potent influence, as has been manifested in respect to 
other measures tending to the improved social condition of the people. 

Independently of the construction of roads and the spread of education, 
the planting of trees in both districts is a subject deserving of consideration. 
The jungle with which Mairwara was clothed a few years since has been 
felled to make room for cultivation, and to supply the wants of the community 
for domestic purposes and for burning lime. In Ajmeer, all jungle wood has 
long since disappeared. So scarce is fuel, that even the roots have been 
eradicated. Strenuous endeavours are now being made to induce all classes 
of the people to encourage the growth of timber. We have ourselves set the 
example in planting useful and ornamental trees in the vicinity of Ajmeer, 
Nya Nuggur, and on the bunds of all the tulaos. The skirts of the hills in 
the vicinity of Pohkur and Ajmeer have lately been planted with from three 
to four thousand mango trees. In the course of a few years the sale of the 
fruit will yield a handsome return, which may form a fund for the repair of 
roads and local improvements. The same course has been observed at Nya 
Nuggur, and at several villages in the Mugra. In having recourse to this 
expedient our desire is to encourage the people to follow in the path we have 

G G 2 


228 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


marked out for them. Prisoners whose term of confinement has nearly 
expired, are released on security, and appointed to water and attend to the 
young plantations. Some villages have already adopted our example, and all 
will follow in due course, so soon as profit has been reaped by the first 
planters. Planted on the slopes of the hills, the trees are defended from 
injury by frost, which is the chief inconvenience to which we are liable. 
Moreover, by this arrangement, no land adapted for cultivation is employed. 
Were the community to imbibe a desire for planting trees, we should, in 
the course of a few years, have the country clothed with timber, which, 
independently of tending to increase the quantity of rain, would much 
conduce to their profit through the sale of fruit and of wood. 

It may perhaps be considered beyond the province of the Superintendant 
to advert to measures which must necessarily rest with the ruling authorities, 
but he would, with deep respect, submit for consideration, that on the selection 
that may be made of his successor depends, in a great degree, the continued 
prosperity of this tract of country. The Mairs have been singularly fortunate 
in the authorities who have been appointed to rule over them. Colonel 
Hall, C. B., devoted thirteen years to the amelioration of their social 
condition. He taught them the arts of civilised life, and the duties of a 
soldier. The present incumbent has striven to follow in the steps of that able 
officer He, too, has devoted his energies to the welfare of this primitive 
people, and cannot but entertain an anxious desire that the same temper — 
conciliation, as well as kindness — which during the last twenty-six years has 
been bestowed on this people, may, at any rate, continue to characterise 
our rule, until all the elders have been gathered to their fathers. The Mairs 
are grateful when a kind demeanour is observed towards them. Every point 
can be carried with them upon a friendly explanation. It has been our 
study to use admonition and reproof in place of fine, which, when imposed 
on necessity, rarely exceeds two and a half rupees. We have preferred to 
guide them in the proper path rather by good advice and censure than by 
stringent measures. Severity would estrange their feelings, and ultimately 
lead to their deserting the country or to insurrection. It must not be for¬ 
gotten that only a quarter of a century ago, obedience and subordination 
were totally unknown to these tribes. It should be our study as well as our 
pride to perpetuate as far as may be in our power the happiness and pros¬ 
perity which now constitute the characteristics of this small section of 


REASONS FOR PREPARING THIS SKETCH. 


229 


Rajpootana. The Superintendant should not be above conversing freely with 
the people, acquainting himself with their wants, and aiding them as far as 
may be prudent. He should consider the welfare of the people his greatest 
aim and ambition; but, above all considerations, punishments should be 
tempered with clemency. While the administration of affairs in Mairwara 
during the last twenty-six years has been entrusted to only two separate 
individuals, Ajmeer has had eleven changes in its rulers in twenty-three 
years, up to 1842. As soon as the Superintendant became pretty well 
acquainted with the people, and was in a fit position to administer to their 
welfare, he was transferred to some more responsible office, or compelled to 
leave through sickness. Under this continual mutation of rulers, radical 
amendment could not be looked for. Since 1842 no change has taken place, 
and, as a natural consequence, the Superintendant has been enabled to 
mature and carry out many measures affecting the improved condition of the 
people. 

Having now brought this hasty sketch to a close, it is proper to state 
the reasons which have induced the Superintendant to intrude his labours on 
the public notice. The approbation of his conscience, and the oft-repeated 
expressions of satisfaction by the ruling authorities, had been an ample 
recompense to him for all the toil and anxiety he had experienced in guiding 
the untamed clans of the hills into the paths of industry and civilised life, 
and in endeavouring to make Ajmeer and Mairwara proof against famine. 
He was wholly unambitious of proclaiming his own humble deeds; but 
private feelings have been compelled to yield to circumstances beyond his 
control. In carrying out measures dictated by humanity and benevolence, 
his exertions have been characterised by such marked success, that it has 
been considered meet to call on him for a detailed account of his proceedings 
in Mairwara and Ajmeer. The first intimation of this desire was conveyed 
in the subjoined extract of a letter from the Honourable the Court of Directors, 
No. 15., dated 27th March, 1844:— 

“ Para 21.—You report to us the completion of the wall of the new 
town of Nya Nuggur, at a cost* at which, according to Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sutherland, 4 it would have been impossible, in almost any part of India, or 
under any other superintendance than Major Dixon’s, to have constructed 
such works.’ 

* 45. and 2627. of 10th August, No. 27. (1838) Affairs of Mairwara, 23,840™. 10as. 9 p. 


230 


SKETCH OF MAERWARA. 


“ Para 22. — The progress made in the construction of tank embank¬ 
ments is also most satisfactory. Besides the beneficial effect of the employ¬ 
ment afforded to the Mairs (so recently reclaimed from a predatory life), the 
expense of these useful works has already been remunerated by a return in 
revenue to the extent, as Major Dixon says and proves, of three hundred and 
fifty per cent. 

“ Para 23.—It is most gratifying to learn that the example has been 
followed by various chiefs in the adjoining parts of Marwar, Meywar, and 
Ajmeer, and that a spirit of agricultural improvement is diffusing itself from 
Mairwara as a centre. 

“ Para 24.—It is desirable that a historical report should be prepared 
by Major Dixon, of the series of measures by which his predecessor, Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel Hall, and himself have created prosperity and peaceful 
industry in a tract which was previously a seat of poverty and predatory 
violence. The report, when prepared, should be printed, and circulated 
among all public officers who may have the opportunity of rendering similar 
services in other quarters, and we desire that fifty copies be transmitted 
to us.” 

The orders of the Court of Directors had only been received a few days 
by the Superintendant, when the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor, North- 
Western Provinces, was pleased to intimate his wishes on this subject, in Mr. 
Secretary Thornton’s letter, No. 2472., under date 29th June, 1844, to the 
address of the Commissioner of Ajmeer, in the following terms:— 

“ I am desired to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 8., dated 
June 6th, regarding tanks and embankments in the Ajmeer district. 

“ 2 d. — The Lieutenant-Governor has perused, with the greatest interest 
and gratification, this record of Major Dixon’s successful exertions for the 
improvement of the country committed to his charge. These undertakings 
are most creditable to the energy and skill of the able officer who planned 
and executed them. 

“ 3<i.—But it is most desirable that the full effect of so good an example 
should not be lost. The works, as at present described, can be little 
understood beyond the limits of the country where they have been executed. 
Without scientific plans, sections, and drawings of the works, founded on 
actual survey and measurement, it is impossible that their nature can be fully 
understood, or the difficulties encountered in their execution appreciated; 


REASONS FOR PREPARING THIS SKETCH. 


231 


still less is it possible, without such minute detail, to construct other works of 
the same sort in other localities which may be fitted for their erection. 

“4 th .— The Lieutenant-Governor is very desirous to procure such a 
description of some of the best of these works. Two or three specimens of 
different kinds might be sufficient to elucidate the whole. The drawings 
should be accompanied with minute details of the mode of construction, rates 
of work, mode in which used, and all other circumstances necessary to convey 
complete information regarding them to a stranger who might be desirous of 
constructing similar works. 

“5 th .— The account would be printed at the expense of Government, 
the plates being engraved or lithographed; and would be then distributed 
amongst public officers, as well as published for general information. 

“ 6th .— The Lieutenant-Governor is not aware whether Major Dixon 
has himself the leisure or the inclination for the compilation of such a 
treatise. If he feels himself at liberty to undertake it, no one of course could 
better perform it. But if otherwise, the Lieutenant-Governor is ready to 
receive any proposal, which would accomplish the object by the labours of a 
coadjutor or a subordinate. 

“7 th .—You are requested to ascertain Major Dixon’s views and 
sentiments on the subject, and to forward them, with such observations as 
may occur to you. 

“ 8 th. — The original enclosure of your letter is herewith returned, a 
copy having been retained.” 

A few months after the receipt of Mr. Thornton’s letter, a command to 
the same effect was made by the Government of India in the subjoined letter, 
No. 2734., under date 26th October, 1844, from Mr. Secretary Currie, to the 
address of the Agent Governor-General, Rajpootana. 

“ I am directed by the Governor-General in Council to acknowledge the 
receipt of your letter, dated 5th inst., No. 208., submitting Major Dixon’s 
financial report of the Mairwara district for the year 1843-44. 

“ 2d .—Major Dixon’s management of the territory under his charge has 
always been so admirable and so successful, and the example he sets to other 
officers, similarly entrusted with the settlement of new countries, might be 
made so successful if the results of his labours were published by Government, 
that the Governor-General in Council requests you will call upon him for a 
succinct report of the progress of improvement in the territory under his 


232 


SKETCH OF MAIRWARA. 


charge, with an explanation of the process by which he has converted tribes 
of plunderers into communities of industrious agriculturists, with a view to 
its publication.” 

This handsome recognition of his labours was extremely gratifying to the 
feelings of the Superintendant, and, had leisure and opportunity permitted, 
he would at once have responded to the call. But these orders had reached 
him when overwhelmed by his multifarious official duties. He had purposed 
deferring to carry out the behests of authority, until leisure allowed him to 
give the subject the consideration it deserved. Time, however, progressed 
without affording any diminution of his labours. He has therefore been 
compelled to perform his task during such brief intervals of leisure as were 
available while attending to duties more than usually heavy; for, indepen¬ 
dently of giving his attention to work in progress at 127 embankments, and 
in answering all the numerous calls required from his office, the Khusrah 
Survey of both districts has demanded much of his time. Writing under the 
influence of such adverse circumstances, his sketch is far less perfect than he 
could have desired. Moreover, many of the difficulties he had to encounter 
in the early part of his career have escaped his recollection, from the 
circumstance of their having ceased to be novelties. He has endeavoured to 
present a brief outline of the history of the Mairs, to trace the steps taken by 
his predecessor, Colonel Hall, C.B., and to give a plain, unvarnished detail of 
his own humble labours. Should his narrative prove useful in. the spread of 
works of irrigation in other countries, and thereby tend to the increase of 
contentment and prosperity in other portions of our Indian dominions, his 
moments of leisure will have yielded a rich harvest. 

Beawr, June 20, 1848. 


THE END. 


London: 

Spottiswoodes and Shaw, 
- New-street-Square. 



OF THE DISTRICTS OF 

A JHER ahb MAIKWAMA, 




vtHifUft 


VANKENEX 

VK TILLERY. 


BENCAI 

REVENUE SURVEYOR 
in 1817 and 48 


Hurmara 


SUPERFICIAL AREA 2661.59 SQUARE MILES 


KISHENGURH 


Vct#.^ flit G. T. Saner has rut eatmcfat to flus JJistnct 

Scale, 4 British Statute Allies = / lack. ^ 

S 10 t5 


tempi Udin they Superintendent, at Jtne/mr 
Surrey's Off!ft /even (At Ortyiruti BuyunnaA 
Maps CnJai/ta /ft lJ, ./pnt 1S4S j 

- Bv W. R. M. Graham. .. 


Deputy Surveyor General 


»*■ fr.-t/iun. 


^/(ishiiigurh 


ti7> 

% Siauihua ® 


sM 

flAJCURH 


' ' .(iltulilii 


ilkirathoo 


Jhunraia 

IV 


iSmaiia 


Neenuy 


^?_tyaola 


OlmiidawoL 


Sutiiaim 
$*0 - 


Suddro 




kOinlimnem 

1 MnnuU the/fi! 


% ft urn Dabur 


Kluiwa* 


Bodnar 


Phixdah, 


Plinwai 


Kutlialiva 


tmdeU 


iiwwuru 


Hurra Krmnaisun 


'kfhrv 


TO0CUJ 


Hiuluur 


Latitude A 


lon/jiiude /. 

7/t° 1-3 5S’\ thm Laut?A 11.E. BtfrUauA 

I Tour threugh/ ftq/waiu ret/ 1S35. 


DEOCURH 


NOTE. Th'S Loniptiulv rttppired tc bte dimuusfietL'($ 3. A thcU/ being tfu/difference between 
the; Old appro v-trutlet a/id tfw present corrected/Longitude of Agra laj whence Copt 
Bcileon dtdvnd by fap Chmnonuters, the Longitudes of aft places mentioned'in./fus work. 


Alphabetical Statement of Purg'dnnah Areas in the Districts of 


AJMEER and MAI U WAR A 


MAIKWAHA 


Sunup 


Remarks 


Phryunnahs 


145657 2 
2197*1 / 
32211 2 
145709 c 
55361 I 2 
146053 j 1 
1266) ' 2 
42979 {2 
157435 2 
162465 0 
16605 0 


fgmeer 

Jihinaf 

Bugherto 

Kekrec 

Khurmih 

JbtAtondah,' 

Pesangun, 

ftktair 

fitygurh 

Jtaincur 

Samir 


Trial .4rea nt . ljmw 
and. Mairtmrm. dust* 


1311925 0 



frames of 
Purgunnahs 

Acres 

a 

P. 

Ana, u< 

Sq AUs 

1 

Betmr 

-122003 

0 

di 

190 62 

2 

llhaelan 

53379 

0 

32 

S3 4C 

3 

Chang 

23943 

3 

09 

37 41 

4- 

Demur 

26514 

0 

13 

46 44 

5 

■lak 

22096 

2 

03 

34 52 

6 

fro! h um mi 

16336 

0 

26 

25 52 

7 

Sarcth 

34542 

•> 

o 

05 

Si 97 

6 

Todgurh 

66657 

; / 

IS 

135. 44 
























































































































































































































































































GLOSSARY 


OF 

HINDOOSTHANEE AND TECHNICAL TERMS IN THE “ SKETCH OF MAIRWARA.” 


Abkaree. Excise. Duty on spirituous liquors. 

Adawlut. A court of justice. 

Affghan. A resident of the country of Affghanisthan. 

Aheer. One of the Hindoo agricultural classes. 

Ajeypal. A place eight miles south of Ajmeer, named after former Raja Ajeypal. 

Allajee or Ullajee. God. 

Ameen. An umpire, an investigator. 

Amlah. Native judicial and revenue servants. 

Amrah or Oomrao. A chief, a noble. 

Ana Sagur. The lake formed by Ana Rajah at Ajmeer. 

Anna. The sixteenth part of a rupee. 

Asamee. A name applied to a tenant, and particularly to the cultivating class. 

Asawaree Meena. A Hill tribe, the followers of Asa. 

Ata. Coarse flour. 

Aul. The name of a tree, from the root of which red colour is extracted for dyeing ( Morinda 
citrifolia). 

Babool. The name of a tree of the Mimosa species. 

Bagh. A garden. 

Bajra. An Indian grain ( Holcus spicatus ). 

Baolee. A large well having steps descending to its bottom. 

Baoree. A low-caste Hindoo of predatory habits. 

Barouthea. People who, suffering under real or imaginary injury from their own government, 
take every opportunity of plundering or causing loss to their own prince. An outlaw. 
Batta. An Indian allowance given in excess of net pay. 

Bazar. Market. 

Beas. A particular class of Brahmins. 

Beegali. A measure of land, two and a half of which constitute one statute acre. 

Beegehree. A fixed sum of money levied on a beegah of land as rent. 

Beeja Burgee. A tribe of Muhaj uns. 

Bhadoon. One of the Hindoo months answering to a part of August. 

Bhat. A bard. 


H H 




234 


GLOSSARY. 


Bhatee Rajpoot. A class of Rajpoots. 

Bheel. The name of a Hill tribe. 

Blieelnee. The feminine of Bheel. 

Bheestee. A water-carrier. 

B/ioom. Land. 

Bhoomeah. A landholder. In Rajpootana it applies to a class of people who receive land rent- 
free in lieu of service for the protection of villages. A feudal watchman. 

Bhueronjee. An idol worshipped by the Hindoos. 

Bhundaree. A term applied to Muhajuns who have served native governments in the capacity 
of house-steward or treasurer. 

Bhurbooja , Bhoojwa. A person whose business it is to parch uncooked grain. 

Bhurgwah. A metal founder. 

Bildar, Beildar. A class employed for throwing up the earth of embankments. A pioneer. 
Bisathee. A pedlar. 

Biswah. The twentieth part of a beegah. 

Bohr ah. A class of Muhajuns who advance seed and money to cultivators. An agent, a money¬ 
lender. 

Brahmin. A priest. The principal caste of Hindoos. 

Bueragee, Byragee. A Hindoo ascetic. 

Bulahee. A low caste of Hindoos. 

Bullee. Pole for roofing purposes. 

Bund. An embankment. 

Buneah. A small trader. 

Bunjara. A class who carry salt, grain, and other goods, on bullocks in large droves. 
Bunjarun. The feminine of Bunjara. 

Bur a. Large. 

Buranee. Rain crops unartificially irrigated. 

Burgot, Bur. A large species of fig-tree ( Ficus Indica). 

Burkundaz. A matchlockman. Inferior servants employed in the police department. 

Burra Peer. A saint of great sanctity. 

Bussee. A lenient species of slavery formerly in vogue with the Mairs. 

Chakur. A servant; the sons of female slaves, wherein the father is a freeman. 

Charun. A class of traders in Rajpootana, who enjoy many privileges in the remission of 
customs, &c. 

Cheepa. A calico-printer. 

Cheetah. A branch of the Mairat family. 

Chhaonee. Cantonments. 

Chittak. The sixteenth part of a seer. 

Chittoree Rupee. A silver coin current in the Meywar principality, equal to about 12^ annas 
of the Company’s rupee. 

Chooreewaleh, Chooreeseller. An individual who deals in lacker ornaments worn on the person. 
Chota. Small. 

Chotee. A lock of hair left on the crown of the head by the Hindoos. 

Chotee-kut. The excision of the lock, as explained in the text. 

Chouth. A fourth. 

Chubootra. An elevated platform of earth or masonry. 

Chuddur. An outfall or outlet of reservoirs. 

Chumar. A low caste of Hindoos. A currier. 


GLOSSARY. 


235 


Chumpawut. A class of Rajpoots. 

Chunam. Lime. 

Chundela Goojur. A tribe of Goojurs. 

Chunna. Grain. A kind of pulse ( Cicer ctrietinum). 

Chuohan. A tribe of Rajpoots. 

Chuokeydar, Chuokeedar. A watchman. 

Chuopal. A place of general assembly. 

Chuprassee. A messenger. A public servant wearing a cliupras or badge of office. 

Dacoit. A gang robber. 

Dacoity. Gang robbery. 

Daemah. The division of a Hindoo tribe. 

Dakhilee. In reference to villages, implies subordination to a parent village. Literally, belonging 
to, inherent. 

Dakul Meena. A caste of Meenas. 

Dakul Meenee. The feminine of Dakul Meena. 

Dal. A vetch. Pulse. 

Dal-Kumlee. Blackmail. Strictly Dal, grain; and Kumlee, a blanket, implying food and 
clothes. 

Deccan. The name applied to a portion of Southern India. 

Deej. A species of ordeal to which the culprit is submitted. 

Deewanee Adawlut. A civil court. 

Degh. A cauldron. 

Dehlat Mair. A tribe of the Mairs. 

Deolee. Tumuli of stones loosely thrown together in honour of some departed person. 

Deojee. The idol worshipped by the Goojur tribe. 

Desee. Of the same country. 

Devee. A Hindoo goddess. 

Dewalee. A Hindoo festival. 

Dhak. The name of a jungle tree ( Butea frondosa). 

Dhanah. A village, a hamlet. 

Dhao. A jungle tree. 

Dhara. A plundering exploit. Has reference to the deeds of gang robbers. 

Dholee. A minstrel. 

Dhotee. A garment worn by the Hindoos, covering the lower part of the body. 

Diggee. A small reservoir of water. 

Doab. The tract of country included between the rivers Ganges and Jumna, or generally 
between two rivers. 

Dookan. A shop. 

Dowlut Bagh. The name of a garden at Ajmeer built by Jehangeer, King of Dehlee. 

Duffedar. A grade of noncommissioned officers between a Sowar and a Jemadar in the Irregular 
Cavalry. 

Durbar. A court. 

Durgah. The shrine of a saint held sacred by the Mahomedans. 

Durwaza. A gateway. 

Dusserah. A Hindoo festival. 

Dustkhutee. Superscribed by a government authority. 

Dustooree. Perquisite taken by servants from the price of articles bought by their masters. 

n h 2 


236 


GLOSSARY. 


Ek-fuslee. Lands producing only the rain or khureef crop. 

Fowrah. A mamootie. A kind of bent spade. 

Foujdaree. Relating to the criminal or police department. 

Foujkhurch. A cess or fixed money payment raised for the support of the army. 

Fuqeer, Fukeer. A religious mendicant, applied to the Moosulmans. Commonly speaking, a 
beggar. 

Fuslee Year. The harvest year. 

Garrah. A coarse cotton cloth. 

Gehlot. A tribe of Rajpoots. 

Ghatta. A pass over a hill. 

Ghaut. A flight of steps of lime masonry constructed by the side of a river or lake, for the 
convenience of bathing. 

Ghee. Boiled butter. 

Ghosee. A Moosulman cowherd. 

Goojur. A class of Hindoo cultivator. A herdsman. 

Goojuree. The feminine of Goojur. 

Goor. Treacle. Raw sugar. 

Gooroo. A priest. 

Gor. One of the principal tribes of Rajpoots. 

Guddee. A seat. Throne. 

Gurhee. A small fort. A fortalice. 

Guzzee. The coarsest cotton cloth. 

Hachery. A native cart. 

Hakim. A governor. 

Harr a Rajpoot. A clan of Rajpoots. 

Harree Rajpootanee. The feminine of the above. 

Havildar. A noncommissioned officer in the native army, ranking between Jemadar and 
Naick. 

Hijree. The Mahomedan asra. 

Hindee. The Hindoo language. 

Holee. The great Hindoo festival held at the approach of the vernal equinox. 

Hoondee. A native bill of exchange. 

Hunooman. The monkey god of Hindoos. 

Hunslee. A collar of silver, worn by women round the neck. 

Hurkara. A messenger, a runner. 

Raqa. Division of a district. 

Iqrarnamah, lkrarnamah. A written agreement. 

Istimrar. Fixed, perpetual. In reference to estates whose rent is permanently settled. 
lstimrardar. The holder of an Istimrar property. 

Istimraree. Relating to Istimrar. 

Jageer. Villages or land held rent-free. 

Jageerdar. The holder of a Jageer. 

Jajah. A family historian, 
i Tat. A Hindoo cultivator. 


GLOSSARY. 


237 


Jemadar. A commissioned officer in the native army, next in rank to a Snbadar. 

Jhalra. A reservoir of water supplied by a natural spring. 

Jhugra. Quarrel. Dissension. 

Jinjal. A large kind of matchlock, which rests upon a wall. A small piece of artillery carried 
on camels. 

Jogee. A religious mendicant of the Hindoo persuasion. 

Jolaha. A Moosulman weaver. 

Jowan. A youth. An able-bodied man. 

Jowar. The name of an Indian grain ( Holcus sorgum). 

Jumma. Amount of revenue. The sum total. 

Jummabundhee. Yearly revenue account. 

Juneo. Brahminical thread. 

Jungle. A wood, a forest. 

Juttee. A priest of the tribe of Oswals. 

Kaeth or Kayuth. The name of a tribe of Hindoos. 

Kajila. A caravan. An assemblage of travellers either for pilgrimage or trade. 

Kala Panee. The sea ; a term used in speaking of “ Transportation beyond the seas.” 

Kamdar. The manager of an estate. A steward. 

Katah. Strong. 

Kehra. A hamlet. 

Khadim. A servant of a Moosulman shrine. 

Khalsa. Villages or lands held immediately from Government. 

Kham. A term used in the revenue department, applicable to villages whose rents are not 
fixed, but which pay a portion of the produce as the landholder’s share. 

Khan. A title principally used by Puthans. Lord, prince. 

Khas. Pi’oper, peculiar. 

Khureef. The rain crop. 

Khusrah. A field-book. 

Khuteek. A low caste of Hindoos, whose business it is to dress sheep and goat hides. 

Khwajeh Moeenoodeen Chishtee, or Khivajeh Sahib. A Mahomedan saint, whose tomb is held in 
great estimation at Ajmeer. 

Kist. An instalment. 

Koodal. One-armed pickaxe, or half-pick. 

Koomhar. A potter. 

Kootub Sahib. A saint held in great sanctity by the Mahomedans. 

Kos. An Indian measure of a distance varying from one and a half to four miles. 

Kowree. The lowest denomination of currency. A small shell. 

Krore. Ten millions. 

Kucha. Unripe. In reference to masonry, implies that the cement is of mud. 

Kuchehree. A public office. 

Kuhar. A caste of Hindoos, whose business it is to carry a palankeen. They are likewise 
cultivators of the soil. 

Kun-koot. Appraisement. 

Kunkur. Nodular limestone. 

Kurana. Spices. 

Kurbee. The stalk of Jowar and Bajra (Indian grains), used for fodder by cattle. 

Kureelwal. A tribe of Mairs, taking its name from the village Kureel 
Kyssee. Hoe. 


238 


GLOSSARY. 


Lakh. Gum, lac. The wax formed by the Coccus Lacca. 

Lakh , lac. A hundred thousand. 

Lakhputtee. A wealthy merchant, possessed of a lac or more of rupees. 

Lola. An accountant, a writer. 

Lohar. A blacksmith. 

Lotah. A brass or copper pot for holding water. 

Mahratta. A tribe of Hindoos who formerly held sovereignty in Hindoosthan. 

Mairat, Mehrat. Mairs converted to the Mahomedan faith. 

Mairs. The aborigines of Mairwara, holding the Hindoo persuasion. 

Malee. A gardener. 

Marwaree. Relating to the country of Marwar. 

Maund. An Indian weight, which, according to the government standard, weighs eighty pounds 
English. 

Meena. A hill tribe. 

Meenee. The feminine of Meena. 

Meera Syyud Hoosein. The name of a Mahomedan whose shrine is built within the fort of 
Taragurh, immediately above Ajmeer. 

Meerkhanees. Employees of the late marauder, Meer Khan. 

Milkee. A holder of rent-free land. 

Miluk. Rent-free land. 

Mistree. The head of a craft, whether of masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, &c. 

Mochee. A shoemaker. 

Mohulla. The division or quarter of a town. 

Mooghul , Mogul. One of the four tribes of Mahomedans. 

Mookhtar. An attorney. 

Moonshee. A teacher, a public officer. 

Moorund. Magnesian earth. 

Moosulman. The followers of Mohomud. 

Mootwulee. The chief officer of a durgah. 

Motee. A branch of the Mair family. 

Moth. A species of pulse. 

Moidvee. A learned man. An expounder of the Koran. A public officer. 

Mudar Puhar. The name of a hill at Ajmeer, on the summit of which the temple of Mudar 
Sahib is built. 

Mudar Sahib. An individual held in respect by the Mahomedans. 

Mugra. A hill: particularly applied to the hills of Mairwara. 

Mugree. A small hill. 

Muha Raja, Muha Rana. A great Hindoo prince, generally holding rajahs under his sub¬ 
jection. 

Muhajun. A caste of Hindoos, whose business is that of trade and commerce. 

Muheisree. A division of the Muhajun tribe. 

Muka, Mukka. Indian corn. 

Mulba Khurch. Village community expenses. 

Mundur. A Hindoo temple. 

Musjid. A Mahomedan temple. 

Mutsuddee or Mootsuddee. An inferior public officer. An accountant. 

Naeb Resaldar. A rank in the Irregular Cavalry immediately below that of a Resaldar. 


GLOSSARY, 


239 


Naick. A noncommissioned officer, who ranks between a Havildar and a Sepoy. 

Naik. A tribe of Hindoos, whose occupation is that of hunting or stealing. 

Naree or Nadee. A small tulao. 

Neem. A forest tree (Melia Azadirachta). 

Nirikh. Price current. 

Nishanburdar. A standard-bearer in the Irregular Cavalry. 

Nuddee. A small river, frequently dry in the hot season. 

Nugarchee. A kettle-drummer in the Irregular Cavalry. 

Nullah. A watercourse, generally dry in the hot weather. 

Nusseeroodowlah. A title of honour, implying “ Lord of victory.” 

Nuwab, Nowab. The title held by Moosulman independent princes. 

Nuzzur. A present offered to a superior. 

Nya Nuggur. New Town. 

Oonglee. A finger. 

Oonglee-kut. The performance of vow on entering into lenient slavery, as explained in the text. 
Oordoo. The language in vogue in Hindoosthan. 

Orhnee. A mantle worn by females. 

Oswal. A tribe of Muhajuns who worship the idol Parusnath. 

Pandan. A metal box for holding betel leaves, arecanut, &c. 

Parukh. A tribe of the Oswal Muhajuns. 

Peadah. A foot-soldier. 

Peepul. A large forest tree (Ficus religiosa). 

Peerzadahs. The descendants of a saint. 

Peshkar. A subordinate public officer in the revenue department. 

Pie. The twelfth part of an anna. 

Pohkur. The name of a town in Ajmeer, a place of pilgrimage of the Hindoos. 

Poorubees. The name applied in Rajpootana to people residing near the Ganges and Jumna 
rivers, i. e. eastward of their own country. 

Pucka or Pucca. Firm, permanent. In reference to masonry, it implies the cement is of lime. 
Pugree. A turban. 

Punch. An arbitrator, an assessor. A council or jury of five. 

Punchaet. A council, an assembly. A jury of arbitrators, generally composed of five or more 
persons. 

Purgunah. The division of a district. 

Purwana. A written order, a warrant. 

Puteil. The head man of a village. 

Putha, Putta. A grant, a deed. 

Puthan. One of the four tribes of Mahomedans. 

Putwa. A braider. A maker of fringe and tape. 

Putwaree. A village accountant. 

Qusbah or Kusbah. A town. 

Raj. Government. 

Rajah. A Hindoo prince. 

Rajpoot. One of the four tribes of Hindoos, whose profession is strictly that of arms. 

Rajwara. The country of Rajpoots, otherwise called Rajpootana. 


240 


GLOSSARY. 


Ram, Ram. Salutation used by the Hindoos amongst themselves. 

Ramdeojee. An idol worshipped by low-caste Hindoos. 

Rana. A Rajpoot prince. 

Ranee. The wife of a Rajah or Rana. 

Rawut. A branch of the Mair family. 

Rawutjee. The title of some chiefs in Rajpootana. 

Razeenameh. A paper of satisfaction. An acknowledgment of the settlement of a cause given 
in by the plaintiff. 

Reigur. A low caste of Hindoos used as workmen and labourers. A currier. 

Resaldar. A commissioned officer of the native cavalry, highest in rank. 

Rubbee. The winter crop. 

Run. The name of a tract of country submerged by water near Kuch Bhoj, in the Bombay 
presidency. 

Rungrez. A dyer. 

Rupee. A silver coin, the intrinsic value of which is nearly two shillings. 

Ruth. A native carriage on four wheels. 

Ruzaee. A quilt stuffed with cotton. 

Ryot. A subject, tenant. 

Sagur. A lake. 

Sahookar. An affluent merchant. 

Salur. A jungle tree. 

Sarungee. A musical instrument like a fiddle. 

Saugurmuttee. The name of a river which takes its rise from the Ajmeer Lake. 

Sayur. Custom duties. 

Seer. The fortieth part of a maund. 

Seetla Mata. An idol worshipped by Hindoos to assuage the ravages of small-pox. 

Sepoy. A private soldier in the native army. 

Seth. A wealthy merchant. 

Shahjehanee Bagh. A garden made by the Emperor Shah Jehan. 

Shroff. A money-changer. 

Shuhur. A town, a city. 

Shuhur-punah. The fortifications of a town. A town wall. 

Shutrunjee. A kind of carpet. 

Sindeah. The patronymic name of one of the Mahratta princes. 

Sirdar. A chief. 

Solunkea Rajpoot. A tribe of Rajpoots. 

Soobehdar. The governor of a province. 

Soodi. The fifteen days of a Hindoo month in which the moon waxes. 

Soonar. A goldsmith. 

Soorahee. A vessel of earth or metal for holding water. 

Sooruj Pohl. The gate opening towards the rising sun. 

Sowar or Suwar. A horseman. 

Subadar. A commissioned officer of Native Infantry, the highest in rank. 

Suddur Ameen. A native judge. 

Suddur Bazar. The chief market-place. 

Sujada Nusheen. The high priest of a Mahomedan shrine. 

Sujjee. A mineral alkali. 

Sumbut. The Hindoo sera, commencing from the time of Bikrumajeer, 57 years a.c. 


GLOSSARY. 


241 


Suraogee. A tribe of Muhajuns who worship the idol Parusnath, differing in some degree Irom 
the Oswals. 

Surgong. The name of a village. 

Surkar. Government. 

Talooq. The division of a district. 

Tattoo. A pony. 

Teej. The third lunar day of the Hindoo month. 

Teeruth. A holy bathing-place of the Hindoos. A place of pilgrimage. 

Teilee. An oilman. 

Tejajee ha Mela. The fair held in honour of Tejajee. 

Thakoor. A Rajpoot chief, a feudal baron. 

Thalee. A brass plate. 

Thanah. A police station. 

Thanahdar. The police officer in charge of the station, or guard. 

Theek, Theek. True, true. 

Thookranee. The wife of a Thakoor. 

Thoree. A low-caste Hindoo of predatory habits. 

Til. An oil plant. The seed of the Sesamum. 

Todgurh Ilaqa. The distinct of Todgurh. 

Tola. The weight of a rupee. 

Towzeeh. A rent-roll. 

Tuqavee. Money advances made to cultivators. 

Tuhseel. Office of the native collector. 

Tuhseeldar. A native collector. 

Tuhseeldaree. Relating to the functions of the native collector. 

Tulabee. Lake land. 

Tulao. A reservoir of water for the purpose of irrigation. 

Tulwar. A native sword. 

Tumbolee. Name of a caste, whose business it is to sell betel leaf. 

Tutehrah. A brazier. 

Ugurwalah. A tribe of Muhajuns. 

Vukeel. An attorney, an agent. 

Zillah. A district. 

Zubtee. Certain crops which have a fixed rent per beegah. 

Zumeendar. A landholder. In Rajpootana, generally applied to cultivators of the soil. 
Zumeendaree. Relating to Zumeendars. 


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